In February 1850 President Taylor had held a stormy conference with southern leaders who threatened secession. He told them that if necessary to enforce the laws, he personally would lead the Army. Persons "taken in rebellion against the Union, he would hang ... with less reluctance than he had hanged deserters and spies in Mexico." He never wavered. (Yeah, I quoted wiki because I was too lazy to open my own books)
Zach was as Southern by the way as one gets.
Then I looked up another Southern Gentleman, Thomas Jefferson:
"I can scarcely contemplate a more incalculable evil than the breaking of the Union into two or more parts."
And if modern secessionists and nullifiers are not yet convinced, I offer a piece written in 2012. And please note where it came from.
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I offer no left wing jibber jabber, but a voice from your own conservative ranks. Research the author and his other articles. You will like this guy. Notice what he had to say about your "right" to secede:
http://bearingarms.com/a-reply-to-secessionists-and-nullifiers/
Here is what Tom Woods had to say about Jarrett Stepman:
Meanwhile, Stepman never actually offers an argument showing us that nullification and secession are unconstitutional. He quotes a few people who opposed it. He seems to think a few quotations add up to an argument. There is no argument in his article, anywhere.
And who is Jarrett Stepman, exactly? Apart from being a writer for
Human Events, which we already knew, his bio tells us only that young Jarrett “is a graduate of UC Davis, where he studied Political Science.”
Jarrett was a good student, it would seem. No unapproved thoughts entered that head of his. The state structure approved of by all the moderns and all his professors, he approves of as well.
Stepman lazily and without imagination simply accepts the logic of the modern state, according to which society must be organized with a single, irresistible authority at the center. The idea that constituent parts could have prior liberties of their own that they might assert against the center is anathema not just to Stepman but to Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, Mitt Romney, and (with a few noble exceptions) the whole slate of modern political philosophers from Thomas Hobbes to Karl Marx. Stepman, like these thinkers, simply takes the unity and indivisibility of the state for granted. They and their horrific “one and indivisible” nonsense, meanwhile, gave birth to the single most destructive institution in human history, with the twentieth century as an especially grisly Exhibit A.
If we dare to entertain the possibility that there may be models for organizing society other than the Hobbesian one in which all power originates from the center, and the periphery has only those rights the center graciously grants – why, we must be enemies of “America” and the “conservative movement.” Well, if by “America” you mean a centralized imperium whose government operates without real limits, and if by the “conservative movement” you mean a group of careerists who get rich by sending out fundraising letters promising “limited government,” then yes, we are indeed enemies of those things.Unknown to Stepman is the humane, Althusian alternative to the modern state. (So as not to give poor Jarrett a heart attack, I withhold from discussion the radical
Rothbardian alternative.) I discuss Althusian decentralism
here. No, Stepman reflexively takes the central idea of modern Western political thought, shared by all major thinkers, makes it his own, and persuades himself that he’s cheeky and original, a real fighter against the establishment. He is in fact as conventional as they come.
The doctrines of nullification and secession led to a bloody civil war, Stepman tells us. Again, our author’s inability to entertain a thought other than what he read in some textbook somewhere impairs his reasoning. The idea of decentralism did not lead to a bloody civil war. The doctrine of
centralization, the un-American doctrine of the
one-and-indivisible Union – the doctrine, in other words, of the modern state – led to a bloody civil war. So blinded is Stepman by his unthinking acceptance of the premises of modern political thought that he cannot even perceive the most obvious facts.
Note well: the secession of the Soviet republics did not lead to a bloody civil war. The secession of Slovenia did not lead to a bloody civil war. The secession of Norway from Sweden did not lead to a bloody civil war. There is nothing about secession in and of itself that need involve violence, as long as we are dealing with civilized people who understand that the best way to deal with political downsizing might not be to slaughter the people involved.
Stepman goes on to note that the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, which spelled out the doctrine of nullification (Stepman doesn’t mention the Richmond ratification convention of 1788), were “outright rejected by ten states, unmentioned by four others and met with suspicion in Virginia of all places.”
Now why do you suppose Stepman doesn’t mention that little tidbit? Why do you suppose he won’t tell you that the people he’s citing for his case cheered the imprisonment of newspaper editors? Either he doesn’t know this, which I strongly suspect, or he doesn’t want you to know.I wish Stepman had at least bothered to read
my book. Of the states that disapproved of the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, all but one of them objected
because they approved of the Sedition Act and incarcerating critics of John Adams, and they didn’t want states to be able to protect their citizens against these outrages.
As for Virginia itself, Stepman couldn’t have read the discussion in the Virginia General Assembly over the Virginia Resolutions of 1798, or he would have discovered that whatever alleged “suspicion” of nullification in Virginia he remembers reading about somewhere did not in fact exist. The only real point of contention was over the phrase “unconstitutional, and not law, but utterly null, void, and of no force or effect” to describe the Alien and Sedition Acts. John Taylor believed the words following “unconstitutional” were superfluous, since everyone knew that an unconstitutional law was no law, and obviously void and of no force or effect. That was the big debate.
And before ten years had passed, the northern states themselves – the ones who were so outraged over nullification in 1798 – were appealing to what became known as the Principles of ’98. Actions speak louder than words.
http://tenthamendmentcenter.com/2012/11/23/the-establishment-hates-nullification/