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Opinion One of the ugliest right-wing lies about Jan. 6 is imploding

cigaretteman

HR King
May 29, 2001
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Of all the lies that the right has pushed about the insurrection attempt, one of the ugliest is that it was a false-flag operation designed to victimize virtuous Donald Trump supporters. Central to this is Ray Epps, a man widely depicted as an FBI informant who deviously manipulated Trump supporters into storming the Capitol.
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Now the New York Times has obtained new evidence debunking this claim. This undercuts a key right-wing propaganda trope about the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the Capitol that the right has pushed for nearly a year.
But this saga also exposes the falsity of a larger right-wing deception campaign: that Jan. 6 actually reveals the profound corruption of our legal and political institutions, from law enforcement to Congress. This spectacular up-is-down agitprop has been central to the whole story that the right tells about the post-Trump era.



The tale of Epps and the alleged false-flag operation started circulating after video surfaced showing him seeming to mobilize Trump supporters to enter the Capitol. A conspiracy theory took hold: Epps was not subsequently arrested, meaning he might have been an FBI agent planted to stir up Trump supporters into breaking the law.


There’s a lot more to this “theory,” all of which has been comprehensively debunked by Post fact checker Glenn Kessler. The short version: Epps never urged violence. He was interviewed by the FBI like others present on Jan. 6. His lawyer flatly declares he isn’t an FBI agent. He personally told this to the House committee examining Jan. 6. And there’s zero evidence to the contrary.
Naturally, none of this slowed down the right-wing machine. This notion has been relentlessly pushed by Tucker Carlson and other right-wing media luminaries, Republican members of Congress, and Trump himself.



Now the Times has delivered another big blow to this story. It concerns video that shows Epps at the Jan. 6 barricades whispering in the ear of a Pennsylvania man, who then confronts police. This has been held up by Republicans as more evidence of false-flag incitement by Epps, a small-business owner from Arizona.
But it turns out that the Pennsylvania man actually informed FBI investigators that Epps told him to “relax,” not to attack, according to audio the Times obtained. And Epps himself separately told the FBI the same thing, the Times reports, once again undermining the conspiracy theory.
It’s important to stress that Republicans and right-wing media have constructed a whole superstructure of other wild allegations on top of this Epps tale.

These include claims that the Jan. 6 House committee is covering up important evidence of Epps’s role. That the FBI itself has suppressed this evidence. That the Justice Department is withholding such evidence from Congress. And that the Jan. 6 mob might have been seeded with many more FBI false-flag operators.


You cannot overstate how central this bundle of charges has been to the project of muddying up the truth: that Trump supporters tried to thwart the transfer of power through mob violence, after being incited by Trump, amid his effort to accomplish the same through appalling procedural corruption and possibly even crimes.
But there’s an even broader deception effort at work here. At bottom, many on the right have tried to turn Jan. 6 into a story about the deep rot of corruption eating away at our institutions.

This mythology involves all kinds of claims. Ohio GOP Senate candidate J.D. Vance tells us the Jan. 6 rioters are “political prisoners.” The same House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) who seriously considered urging Trump to resign over Jan. 6 now insists the Jan. 6 committee examination of it is “illegitimate.”


Similarly, numerous Trump cronies have falsely argued that the Jan. 6 committee lacks a legitimate legislative purpose, shielding their own corrupt conduct from view by hiding behind the lie that it’s abusing its powers. And then there’s the imploding “false flag” nonsense.
Ultimately the right-wing goal is to wield all those lies to erase a big truth: that the whole Jan. 6 saga is actually a story about how our institutions mostly held up under an extraordinary assault.

Vote counters performed heroically despite threats from mobs whipped up by the president. Republican officials rebuffed intense pressure to violate their official duty on his behalf. The courts slogged through months of despicable legal actions deliberately designed to invalidate the votes of millions based on lies, ultimately confirming his loss. Congress affirmed that loss after literally coming under violent assault.


That positive story doesn’t mean we should ignore the possibility of abuses by law enforcement and the Jan. 6 committee. This country has a long history of law enforcement targeting legitimate political activity. And our democratic institutions are decaying in important ways (though not how the right says they are).
But right now, the truly bad actors are the ones wielding lurid agitprop about our institutions in order to undermine the full Jan. 6 reckoning we need. So let’s hope that, along with the collapsing false-flag tale, in the public mind the larger story they’re trying to tell also implodes.

 
The only evidence presented is Ray Epps own words, not even under oath. I have no idea if he was a fed or not, but this proves nothing. Kind of a weird story, honestly.
 
You mean this?:

Who did the Oath Keepers call on Jan. 6 as they tried to reach Trump?​

One of the central questions surrounding the attempt to derail the certifying of electoral votes at the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, is how and where the political effort — raising procedural objections to the votes in hopes of pushing the fight back to states — might have overlapped with the violent one. It’s clear that there was at least some opportunistic overlap; as the Capitol was being overrun by rioters supporting President Donald Trump, he and his allies were attempting to encourage further delays to the process. But was there anything more robust?

There is no known bright line between those two efforts, but there are a lot of dim, winding ones. On Wednesday, another was added.
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As the Capitol was still under the control of the rioters, Stewart Rhodes and other members of the right-wing extremist group Oath Keepers gathered in a hotel room and placed a call to someone close to Trump. William Wilson was among the group and described the call to investigators as part of a plea agreement on a seditious conspiracy charge.



The statement of offense describes what happened.
“At approximately 5:00 p.m., Wilson, Rhodes, and others left the Capitol grounds and walked together to the Phoenix Hotel. … At the Phoenix Hotel, Rhodes gathered Wilson and other co-conspirators inside of a private suite. Rhodes then called an individual over speaker phone. Wilson heard Rhodes repeatedly implore the individual to tell President Trump to call upon groups like the Oath Keepers to forcibly oppose the transfer of power. This individual denied Rhodes’s request to speak directly with President Trump.”
It seems safe to assume that the investigators are aware of the identity of the individual who spoke with Rhodes. Who that person is makes an enormous amount of difference in determining the brightness of any line linking the Oath Keepers and the White House.
Before digging into the question, it’s useful to note that what’s already understood about connections between Trump allies and extremist groups like the Oath Keepers and the Proud Boys is itself striking. A few weeks after the riot, the New York Times reported that the FBI was investigating communication between someone at the White House and a member of that latter group. (The Proud Boys’ leader, Enrique Tarrio, had toured the White House in December 2020, which a Trump administration spokesperson said was part of a publicly available process.) That communication was distinct from the Proud Boys’ known interactions with Trump’s longtime adviser Roger Stone, something that was well-documented even before the riot.







Stone, in fact, is a natural place to start when considering who the Oath Keepers might have believed to be an effective conduit to Trump. Members of both the Oath Keepers and the Proud Boys had acted as personal security for Stone before the riot. On Jan. 5 and Jan. 6, Oath Keeper members reprised that role in Washington. That included accompanying Stone to a rally on the evening before the riot and staying with him at his hotel on Jan. 6 itself.
On Telegram, Stone denied being on the call, and described a report on MSNBC about it as a “smear.” The Washington Post attempted to contact Stone’s attorney to ask whether he was the individual who communicated with Rhodes and did not receive a response for publication. It’s worth noting that Stone was known to be in contact with the leaders of extremist groups, however. A March report from The Post about a documentary film crew that was with Stone on and after Jan. 6 included a photo showing Stone using an encrypted messaging app a week or two after the riot. Visible are messages from both Rhodes and Tarrio.
We might also ask if a reasonable person would think Stone had the ability to contact Trump and convince him to implement an armed, private-sector effort to hold power. The latter part of that statement, of course, suggests that we might not assume too much rationality was at play here.



If the person on the other end of the call were Stone, it would make the line between the Oath Keepers and the White House much dimmer. Stone was a longtime ally of Trump’s and certainly had his ear, but he was boxed out of the formal Trump rally near the White House on the morning of the riot. This was apparently part of a power struggle that had unfolded in the weeks after Trump drew attention to the Jan. 6 date as a point of leverage on blocking Joe Biden’s inauguration.

The Post obtained hours of video footage, some exclusively, and placed it within a digital 3-D model of the building. (Video: The Washington Post)
Stone and others closer to the political fringe had begun organizing a rally at the Capitol for that day, a plan that was folded into the rally that Trump himself would later endorse. Stone and conspiracy theorist Alex Jones were booted to that rally on Jan. 5 and, on the morning of Jan. 6, Stone was unable to secure VIP access to Trump’s rally at all. (One of the Oath Keepers serving on his security detail noted to his colleagues that Stone was mad about this.)
Others in Trump’s wider circle had some contact with the Oath Keepers or were discussed by members of the group. Text messages released as part of a separate legal fight show the Oath Keepers boasting about having worked previously with Michael Flynn, Trump’s first national security adviser. By the time of the Capitol riot, Flynn was deeply enmeshed in the right-wing fringe and had even advocated that Trump use the Insurrection Act to retain power. It’s not clear that Flynn was in contact with Trump during this period and it’s unlikely that he had much sway with Trump anyway.



Those same texts also mentioned Rep. Ronny Jackson (R-Tex.) as needing protection during the riot, with Rhodes telling the group to give Jackson his number. Jackson vehemently denied having any contact with the group. It’s not clear why members of the Oath Keepers were under the impression he needed assistance.
This brings us back to that Times report about a purported connection between the Proud Boys and the White House. The Proud Boys’ links to members of Trump’s universe are a bit broader. Bianca Gracia, head of a pro-Trump group called Latinos for Trump, documented repeated informal meetings with people close to Trump at events. Tarrio was the group’s chief of staff. After Trump did not condemn the Proud Boys during a 2020 presidential debate, instead telling its members to “stand back and stand by,” Trump’s team sought to publicly sever ties with Latinos for Trump. On Jan. 5, Gracia and Tarrio were among a group that met with Rhodes at a parking garage in D.C. during which the Capitol was referenced. That parking garage was one near the Phoenix Park Hotel, from which the Jan. 6 call was placed.
Whether there was someone in the White House or in Trump’s close orbit connected to the Proud Boys, as the Times report suggests, it’s certainly feasible that that person or others were similarly connected to the Oath Keepers. That would be a much brighter line.

 
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You mean this?:

Who did the Oath Keepers call on Jan. 6 as they tried to reach Trump?​

The Post obtained hours of video footage, some exclusively, and placed it within a digital 3-D model of the building. (Video: The Washington Post)
Stone and others closer to the political fringe had begun organizing a rally at the Capitol for that day, a plan that was folded into the rally that Trump himself would later endorse. Stone and conspiracy theorist Alex Jones were booted to that rally on Jan. 5 and, on the morning of Jan. 6, Stone was unable to secure VIP access to Trump’s rally at all. (One of the Oath Keepers serving on his security detail noted to his colleagues that Stone was mad about this.)
Others in Trump’s wider circle had some contact with the Oath Keepers or were discussed by members of the group. Text messages released as part of a separate legal fight show the Oath Keepers boasting about having worked previously with Michael Flynn, Trump’s first national security adviser. By the time of the Capitol riot, Flynn was deeply enmeshed in the right-wing fringe and had even advocated that Trump use the Insurrection Act to retain power. It’s not clear that Flynn was in contact with Trump during this period and it’s unlikely that he had much sway with Trump anyway.



Those same texts also mentioned Rep. Ronny Jackson (R-Tex.) as needing protection during the riot, with Rhodes telling the group to give Jackson his number. Jackson vehemently denied having any contact with the group. It’s not clear why members of the Oath Keepers were under the impression he needed assistance.
This brings us back to that Times report about a purported connection between the Proud Boys and the White House. The Proud Boys’ links to members of Trump’s universe are a bit broader. Bianca Gracia, head of a pro-Trump group called Latinos for Trump, documented repeated informal meetings with people close to Trump at events. Tarrio was the group’s chief of staff. After Trump did not condemn the Proud Boys during a 2020 presidential debate, instead telling its members to “stand back and stand by,” Trump’s team sought to publicly sever ties with Latinos for Trump. On Jan. 5, Gracia and Tarrio were among a group that met with Rhodes at a parking garage in D.C. during which the Capitol was referenced. That parking garage was one near the Phoenix Park Hotel, from which the Jan. 6 call was placed.
Whether there was someone in the White House or in Trump’s close orbit connected to the Proud Boys, as the Times report suggests, it’s certainly feasible that that person or others were similarly connected to the Oath Keepers. That would be a much brighter line.


Yep
 
Of all the lies that the right has pushed about the insurrection attempt, one of the ugliest is that it was a false-flag operation designed to victimize virtuous Donald Trump supporters. Central to this is Ray Epps, a man widely depicted as an FBI informant who deviously manipulated Trump supporters into storming the Capitol.
Sign up for a weekly roundup of thought-provoking ideas and debates
Now the New York Times has obtained new evidence debunking this claim. This undercuts a key right-wing propaganda trope about the Jan. 6, 2021, assault on the Capitol that the right has pushed for nearly a year.
But this saga also exposes the falsity of a larger right-wing deception campaign: that Jan. 6 actually reveals the profound corruption of our legal and political institutions, from law enforcement to Congress. This spectacular up-is-down agitprop has been central to the whole story that the right tells about the post-Trump era.



The tale of Epps and the alleged false-flag operation started circulating after video surfaced showing him seeming to mobilize Trump supporters to enter the Capitol. A conspiracy theory took hold: Epps was not subsequently arrested, meaning he might have been an FBI agent planted to stir up Trump supporters into breaking the law.


There’s a lot more to this “theory,” all of which has been comprehensively debunked by Post fact checker Glenn Kessler. The short version: Epps never urged violence. He was interviewed by the FBI like others present on Jan. 6. His lawyer flatly declares he isn’t an FBI agent. He personally told this to the House committee examining Jan. 6. And there’s zero evidence to the contrary.
Naturally, none of this slowed down the right-wing machine. This notion has been relentlessly pushed by Tucker Carlson and other right-wing media luminaries, Republican members of Congress, and Trump himself.



Now the Times has delivered another big blow to this story. It concerns video that shows Epps at the Jan. 6 barricades whispering in the ear of a Pennsylvania man, who then confronts police. This has been held up by Republicans as more evidence of false-flag incitement by Epps, a small-business owner from Arizona.
But it turns out that the Pennsylvania man actually informed FBI investigators that Epps told him to “relax,” not to attack, according to audio the Times obtained. And Epps himself separately told the FBI the same thing, the Times reports, once again undermining the conspiracy theory.
It’s important to stress that Republicans and right-wing media have constructed a whole superstructure of other wild allegations on top of this Epps tale.

These include claims that the Jan. 6 House committee is covering up important evidence of Epps’s role. That the FBI itself has suppressed this evidence. That the Justice Department is withholding such evidence from Congress. And that the Jan. 6 mob might have been seeded with many more FBI false-flag operators.


You cannot overstate how central this bundle of charges has been to the project of muddying up the truth: that Trump supporters tried to thwart the transfer of power through mob violence, after being incited by Trump, amid his effort to accomplish the same through appalling procedural corruption and possibly even crimes.
But there’s an even broader deception effort at work here. At bottom, many on the right have tried to turn Jan. 6 into a story about the deep rot of corruption eating away at our institutions.

This mythology involves all kinds of claims. Ohio GOP Senate candidate J.D. Vance tells us the Jan. 6 rioters are “political prisoners.” The same House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) who seriously considered urging Trump to resign over Jan. 6 now insists the Jan. 6 committee examination of it is “illegitimate.”


Similarly, numerous Trump cronies have falsely argued that the Jan. 6 committee lacks a legitimate legislative purpose, shielding their own corrupt conduct from view by hiding behind the lie that it’s abusing its powers. And then there’s the imploding “false flag” nonsense.
Ultimately the right-wing goal is to wield all those lies to erase a big truth: that the whole Jan. 6 saga is actually a story about how our institutions mostly held up under an extraordinary assault.

Vote counters performed heroically despite threats from mobs whipped up by the president. Republican officials rebuffed intense pressure to violate their official duty on his behalf. The courts slogged through months of despicable legal actions deliberately designed to invalidate the votes of millions based on lies, ultimately confirming his loss. Congress affirmed that loss after literally coming under violent assault.


That positive story doesn’t mean we should ignore the possibility of abuses by law enforcement and the Jan. 6 committee. This country has a long history of law enforcement targeting legitimate political activity. And our democratic institutions are decaying in important ways (though not how the right says they are).
But right now, the truly bad actors are the ones wielding lurid agitprop about our institutions in order to undermine the full Jan. 6 reckoning we need. So let’s hope that, along with the collapsing false-flag tale, in the public mind the larger story they’re trying to tell also implodes.

Never heard of this, sure helps things now
 
Yep. Sounds like the Deep State, with backing from the Rothschilds are framing them while hiding the truth about Hunter's laptop at the same time.
It’s funny that you’re mocking them for simply changing the puppet master in the exact same conspiracy theory that you believe in to your core.
 
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