By Jennifer Rubin
Columnist |
Today at 10:00 a.m. EST
As tragic events unfold in Ukraine, take a moment to consider that the foreign policy goals of defeated former president Donald Trump and his MAGA movement bear a striking resemblance to those of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
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What does Putin want? His aims go well beyond Ukraine. As the Atlantic’s Anne Applebaum summarizes: He “wants to put so much strain on Western and democratic institutions, especially the European Union and NATO, that they break up. He wants to keep dictators in power wherever he can, in Syria, Venezuela, and Iran. He wants to undermine America, to shrink American influence, to remove the power of the democracy rhetoric that so many people in his part of the world still associate with America. He wants America itself to fail.”
Trump’s foreign policy sought to do much of what Putin wants to achieve, including intimidating Ukraine by withholding vital defensive weapons. Trump, like his role model in Moscow, favored weakening NATO, elevating dictators (from China to Turkey to North Korea to Hungary to Russia), undermining democratic elections, demonizing the media (the best check against power-hungry politicians) and finding common ground with kleptocratic-style governments.
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None of this was based on America’s interest, but it was in the interest of wannabe authoritarians and illiberal regimes. As Fiona Hill, a former Trump adviser and brave witness in the former president’s first impeachment hearings, put it: "There’s no Team America for Trump. Not once did I see him do anything to put America first. Not once. Not for a single second.”
That mentality continues today among too many Republican politicians, such as Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), who seemed eager to comply with Russia’s demand to sweep Ukraine back into its sphere of influence. Same goes for characters such as Republican Ohio Senate candidate J.D. Vance, who proclaimed this weekend that he’s uninterested in the fate of our democratic ally. This is perfectly consistent with Republicans such as Sens. Ted Cruz (Tex.) and Ron Johnson (Wis.), who channeled Russia propaganda during Trump’s first impeachment inquiry.
Certainly, there is a disconnect on the right, with many Republicans in the Senate trying to find some way to blame President Biden for insufficient resolve in opposing Putin’s invasion scheme. (Republicans in disarray!) But just a couple of years ago, these Republicans were perfectly content supporting a president who extorted Ukraine to get dirt on Biden, tried to welcome Russia back into the Group of Seven, provided cover for Russian interference in the 2016 election and parroted Russian propaganda on Crimea. It takes quite a feat of contortion for these Republicans to remain defenders of Trump and deplore his successor for not doing enough to stand up to Putin.
Despite the attempted transformation of some Republican senators back into anti-Russia hawks, the affection for right-wing dictators and aversion to democratic alliances remains strong among the most Trumpy pols and media personalities. In the past week, MAGA types have likened Canada, one of our closest democratic allies, to an autocracy as it moved to impose social order after far-right protesters paralyzed its capital city.
The good news is that Biden — who supports democracies and sees standing against authoritarian threats as the central international challenge — is in the White House. (“You couldn’t get a sharper contrast,” Hill says.) Even hawkish conservative foreign policy experts have said that Biden has done a solid job in holding the allies together.
It seems that contempt for democracy domestically often goes hand in hand with contempt for democratic allies abroad — and hence, sympathy for authoritarian regimes. By contrast, defenders of American democracy are generally on the side of other democratic countries. It’s one more reason we dare not let the MAGA-infused GOP back in power.
Columnist |
Today at 10:00 a.m. EST
As tragic events unfold in Ukraine, take a moment to consider that the foreign policy goals of defeated former president Donald Trump and his MAGA movement bear a striking resemblance to those of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Opinions to start the day, in your inbox. Sign up.
What does Putin want? His aims go well beyond Ukraine. As the Atlantic’s Anne Applebaum summarizes: He “wants to put so much strain on Western and democratic institutions, especially the European Union and NATO, that they break up. He wants to keep dictators in power wherever he can, in Syria, Venezuela, and Iran. He wants to undermine America, to shrink American influence, to remove the power of the democracy rhetoric that so many people in his part of the world still associate with America. He wants America itself to fail.”
Trump’s foreign policy sought to do much of what Putin wants to achieve, including intimidating Ukraine by withholding vital defensive weapons. Trump, like his role model in Moscow, favored weakening NATO, elevating dictators (from China to Turkey to North Korea to Hungary to Russia), undermining democratic elections, demonizing the media (the best check against power-hungry politicians) and finding common ground with kleptocratic-style governments.
ADVERTISING
None of this was based on America’s interest, but it was in the interest of wannabe authoritarians and illiberal regimes. As Fiona Hill, a former Trump adviser and brave witness in the former president’s first impeachment hearings, put it: "There’s no Team America for Trump. Not once did I see him do anything to put America first. Not once. Not for a single second.”
That mentality continues today among too many Republican politicians, such as Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), who seemed eager to comply with Russia’s demand to sweep Ukraine back into its sphere of influence. Same goes for characters such as Republican Ohio Senate candidate J.D. Vance, who proclaimed this weekend that he’s uninterested in the fate of our democratic ally. This is perfectly consistent with Republicans such as Sens. Ted Cruz (Tex.) and Ron Johnson (Wis.), who channeled Russia propaganda during Trump’s first impeachment inquiry.
Certainly, there is a disconnect on the right, with many Republicans in the Senate trying to find some way to blame President Biden for insufficient resolve in opposing Putin’s invasion scheme. (Republicans in disarray!) But just a couple of years ago, these Republicans were perfectly content supporting a president who extorted Ukraine to get dirt on Biden, tried to welcome Russia back into the Group of Seven, provided cover for Russian interference in the 2016 election and parroted Russian propaganda on Crimea. It takes quite a feat of contortion for these Republicans to remain defenders of Trump and deplore his successor for not doing enough to stand up to Putin.
Despite the attempted transformation of some Republican senators back into anti-Russia hawks, the affection for right-wing dictators and aversion to democratic alliances remains strong among the most Trumpy pols and media personalities. In the past week, MAGA types have likened Canada, one of our closest democratic allies, to an autocracy as it moved to impose social order after far-right protesters paralyzed its capital city.
The good news is that Biden — who supports democracies and sees standing against authoritarian threats as the central international challenge — is in the White House. (“You couldn’t get a sharper contrast,” Hill says.) Even hawkish conservative foreign policy experts have said that Biden has done a solid job in holding the allies together.
It seems that contempt for democracy domestically often goes hand in hand with contempt for democratic allies abroad — and hence, sympathy for authoritarian regimes. By contrast, defenders of American democracy are generally on the side of other democratic countries. It’s one more reason we dare not let the MAGA-infused GOP back in power.
