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Trump’s clash with the courts escalates

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Unfreeze spending. Un-fire appointees. Un-delete websites. Un-gut research grants. Un-fork Elon Musk’s bureaucrat resignation program.

Federal courts are ablaze with orders blocking many of President Donald Trump’s early efforts to transform the federal bureaucracy and expand executive power. The adverse rulings, though temporary, are defining the first chapter of Trump’s second presidency.

Over a 24-hour period starting Monday morning, six judges took steps to rein in the new president. More emergency orders are expected Tuesday and later this week. They follow nine other orders in the previous two weeks abruptly halting some of Trump’s aggressive executive actions, at times warning that they flagrantly violate federal laws and the Constitution.

The escalating confrontation between the president and the courts is riling Trump and his allies. Elon Musk labeled it a “judicial coup.” JD Vance said “judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power” — a comment that landed as many pro-Trump voices encouraged the president to defy adverse court orders.

The Justice Department, meanwhile, has insisted the administration is scrupulously abiding by the orders even as the department calls them “impermissible” and even “anti-constitutional.” The White House, too, has said Musk’s “Department of Government Efficiency” is following every court order “to a T.”

One federal judge, however, upbraided the administration for what he said was a violation of his order to lift a freeze on federal grants, and he hinted he might hold administration officials in contempt for further non-compliance.

“The broad categorical and sweeping freeze of federal funds is, as the Court found, likely unconstitutional,” U.S. District Judge John McConnell wrote, “and has caused and continues to cause irreparable harm to a vast portion of this country.”

The Trump administration quickly appealed the order, saying the just vastly overreached in his attempt to constrain the president’s management of federal funds and believed officials had been faithfully implementing his directives.

By Tuesday morning, Trump joined the chorus of court critics. “[C]ertain activists and highly political judges want us to slow down, or stop,” Trump said on Truth Social. “Losing this momentum will be very detrimental to finding the TRUTH.”

The truth, though, is that Trump court fights have already slowed his momentum. Trump’s most dramatic policy initiatives are on hold, including his attempt to end the right to birthright citizenship, his firing of thousands of people at USAID and his effort to enforce a swift deadline for federal workers to accept the deferred-resignation offer that Musk’s team has dubbed “A Fork in the Road.”

The federal district judges who have blocked these and other policies were appointed by presidents of both parties and span the ideological spectrum. Operating on short timetables caused by the breakneck pace of Trump’s executive orders and other maneuvers, the judges are issuing what they describe as short-term pauses to keep the status quo in place while litigation proceeds.

But these district judges — the lowest level in the three-tiered federal court system — are unlikely to have the last word. Already, some of the legal challenges have begun to arrive at appellate courts and may soon be en route to the Supreme Court, where Trump expects a friendlier reception.


For instance, in the litigation over Trump’s attempt to freeze vast amounts of federal spending, the Justice Department has asked an appeals court for an “emergency” block on McConnell’s order to keep the funding spigot open. The department has also appealed an order blocking Trump’s bid to end birthright citizenship.

Beyond the judicial rulings themselves, the court battles are producing something else: information. In a battery of lawsuits challenging Musk’s opaque “Department of Government Efficiency,” the Justice Department has had to produce sworn affidavits about the secretive operations.

In one case, a top Musk ally — Thomas Krause — described his handling of Treasury’s massive payment system, indicating he has “over the shoulder” access to view it and has toyed with copies of the code underlying the system. In another, Trump’s day-to-day manager of USAID, Peter Marocco, filed a 12-page affidavit describing efforts to shutter the agency — and forced DOJ to admit that those efforts were more extensive than lawyers had previously acknowledged in court. The administration revealed in yet another case that FBI leaders had been resisting efforts by Trump’s Justice Department appointees to fork over the names of agents who worked on Jan. 6 cases.
 

Unfreeze spending. Un-fire appointees. Un-delete websites. Un-gut research grants. Un-fork Elon Musk’s bureaucrat resignation program.

Federal courts are ablaze with orders blocking many of President Donald Trump’s early efforts to transform the federal bureaucracy and expand executive power. The adverse rulings, though temporary, are defining the first chapter of Trump’s second presidency.

Over a 24-hour period starting Monday morning, six judges took steps to rein in the new president. More emergency orders are expected Tuesday and later this week. They follow nine other orders in the previous two weeks abruptly halting some of Trump’s aggressive executive actions, at times warning that they flagrantly violate federal laws and the Constitution.

The escalating confrontation between the president and the courts is riling Trump and his allies. Elon Musk labeled it a “judicial coup.” JD Vance said “judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power” — a comment that landed as many pro-Trump voices encouraged the president to defy adverse court orders.

The Justice Department, meanwhile, has insisted the administration is scrupulously abiding by the orders even as the department calls them “impermissible” and even “anti-constitutional.” The White House, too, has said Musk’s “Department of Government Efficiency” is following every court order “to a T.”

One federal judge, however, upbraided the administration for what he said was a violation of his order to lift a freeze on federal grants, and he hinted he might hold administration officials in contempt for further non-compliance.

“The broad categorical and sweeping freeze of federal funds is, as the Court found, likely unconstitutional,” U.S. District Judge John McConnell wrote, “and has caused and continues to cause irreparable harm to a vast portion of this country.”

The Trump administration quickly appealed the order, saying the just vastly overreached in his attempt to constrain the president’s management of federal funds and believed officials had been faithfully implementing his directives.

By Tuesday morning, Trump joined the chorus of court critics. “[C]ertain activists and highly political judges want us to slow down, or stop,” Trump said on Truth Social. “Losing this momentum will be very detrimental to finding the TRUTH.”

The truth, though, is that Trump court fights have already slowed his momentum. Trump’s most dramatic policy initiatives are on hold, including his attempt to end the right to birthright citizenship, his firing of thousands of people at USAID and his effort to enforce a swift deadline for federal workers to accept the deferred-resignation offer that Musk’s team has dubbed “A Fork in the Road.”

The federal district judges who have blocked these and other policies were appointed by presidents of both parties and span the ideological spectrum. Operating on short timetables caused by the breakneck pace of Trump’s executive orders and other maneuvers, the judges are issuing what they describe as short-term pauses to keep the status quo in place while litigation proceeds.

But these district judges — the lowest level in the three-tiered federal court system — are unlikely to have the last word. Already, some of the legal challenges have begun to arrive at appellate courts and may soon be en route to the Supreme Court, where Trump expects a friendlier reception.


For instance, in the litigation over Trump’s attempt to freeze vast amounts of federal spending, the Justice Department has asked an appeals court for an “emergency” block on McConnell’s order to keep the funding spigot open. The department has also appealed an order blocking Trump’s bid to end birthright citizenship.

Beyond the judicial rulings themselves, the court battles are producing something else: information. In a battery of lawsuits challenging Musk’s opaque “Department of Government Efficiency,” the Justice Department has had to produce sworn affidavits about the secretive operations.

In one case, a top Musk ally — Thomas Krause — described his handling of Treasury’s massive payment system, indicating he has “over the shoulder” access to view it and has toyed with copies of the code underlying the system. In another, Trump’s day-to-day manager of USAID, Peter Marocco, filed a 12-page affidavit describing efforts to shutter the agency — and forced DOJ to admit that those efforts were more extensive than lawyers had previously acknowledged in court. The administration revealed in yet another case that FBI leaders had been resisting efforts by Trump’s Justice Department appointees to fork over the names of agents who worked on Jan. 6 cases.
It’s insane.

Thank god for some semblance of sanity in the judicial branch.
 

What if Donald Trump calls the courts’ bluff?​


The Rockies may crumble and Gibraltar may tumble. But if Donald Trump obeys the courts, the US republic will stand. America’s system is designed to accommodate almost anything except a return to de facto monarchy. Whether America’s president wants to render the judiciary irrelevant is key to the republic’s fate. Is Trump about to conduct that little experiment?

To some extent he already is. Last month, a US court stopped Trump’s blanket freeze on federal spending. Trump has only partially complied. On his first day he all but tore up a Supreme Court ruling from the previous week upholding Congress’s ban on TikTok. Both his vice-president JD Vance and his chief operating officer Elon Musk have publicly questioned the writ of the courts. Musk even called for impeachment of the judge who denied his minions access to the federal payments system.

Such threats might be overlooked were it not for their inevitability. They are bound to get louder. Though Trump has been in office for more than three weeks, he has yet to send a substantive bill to Congress. Some observers have compared Trump’s flurry of action to Franklin Roosevelt’s first 100 days, or Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society agenda. They are missing the point. FDR and LBJ sent big legislation to Congress. Trump is starting with a pipeline of executive orders. If the courts stymie those, they will be blocking his agenda. His strategy rests on a pliant judiciary.

There are two ways of Trump executing what legal scholars Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith call his “radical constitutionalism”. The first is to frighten the courts into acquiescence. If judges believe Trump is prepared to call the judiciary’s bluff, it would be in their interests to pretend that he is only acting because they have allowed him to. Rather than Trump obeying the courts, they would be politely getting out of his way. In that manner they would at least keep the fiction of being an independent branch of government. The other option is for Trump to dare the courts to enforce their adversarial rulings. Both Vance and Musk are pushing to call time on the judges. So is Russell Vought, Trump’s incoming head of the office of Management and Budget and chief author of the infamous Project 2025.

It is a fair bet that Trump would prefer the judiciary to disarm. But he is also prepared to play Russian roulette. He believes the US electorate gave him an unchecked mandate. It follows that any interference in his exercise of power — including an Alice-style belief that the US constitution means what he chooses it to mean — amounts to a block on democracy. Could he put 30,000 illegal immigrants beyond legal reach in a refitted Guantánamo Bay? Of course. The American people have spoken. Might he pick which of America’s creditors to repay and which to declare fraudulent? Quite possibly. Trump, not judges, will be the decider.

Until recently, Trumpians were keen to remind critics that the US was founded as a republic not as a democracy. That line has shifted 180 degrees. The new one is that the republic’s antique furniture is getting in the way of Trump’s democratic mandate. The Republican-controlled Congress has removed itself from Trump’s path. Unelected judges are the problem. Ultimate among those are the nine justices of the US Supreme Court. It is to their inboxes such dilemmas are heading. At stake is their reason for existing.

Turkeys are allegedly opposed to Thanksgiving. Yet the Supreme Court last July granted the US president sweeping immunity from almost any “official” acts. It takes little imagination to infer that this could be stretched to ignoring the courts. The six justices who put their names to that ruling may now regret their loose phrasing. They could have edited themselves into an advisory body. The problem the court faces is that Trump has a strong wind at his back. Constitutional lawyers warn that he could destroy America’s separation of powers. But Trump’s 53 per cent CBS-YouGov approval rating last week is his highest ever.

In addition to their abysmal poll ratings, Democrats are slow to get their act together. For reasons best known to him, Joe Biden last year boasted of having continued to forgive student debt even after the Supreme Court ruled against it. Both Biden and Barack Obama resorted to executive orders to get around gridlock. The difference is that Trump could push most of what he wants through Congress. That he is not yet bothering to try is a feature of his rule, not a bug.
 
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It’s insane.

Thank god for some semblance of sanity in the judicial branch.
476833014_1856641161740654_8415436606613730947_n.jpg
 
Wonder if part of the strategy here is to get some of this stuff up to SCOTUS as quickly as possible to see what wins they can get.

Yeah, I think that much of this is going to backfire. I think there are clear cases (such as with birthright citizenship) where there are sound grounds to block the administration until legal questions can be resolved.

However, more dubious injunctions that are more about #resistance are going to probably going to neither stop the administration for very long, and will end up losing and setting precedent that will codify expanded executive authority.

This supreme court hasn't been too friendly to legislating through the courts or bureaucracy, and have continuously encouraged Congress to assume their proper role, which both parties seem uninterested in. We'll see what happens, but they haven't been very friendly to the authority of unelected bureaucrats.
 

Unfreeze spending. Un-fire appointees. Un-delete websites. Un-gut research grants. Un-fork Elon Musk’s bureaucrat resignation program.

Federal courts are ablaze with orders blocking many of President Donald Trump’s early efforts to transform the federal bureaucracy and expand executive power. The adverse rulings, though temporary, are defining the first chapter of Trump’s second presidency.

Over a 24-hour period starting Monday morning, six judges took steps to rein in the new president. More emergency orders are expected Tuesday and later this week. They follow nine other orders in the previous two weeks abruptly halting some of Trump’s aggressive executive actions, at times warning that they flagrantly violate federal laws and the Constitution.

The escalating confrontation between the president and the courts is riling Trump and his allies. Elon Musk labeled it a “judicial coup.” JD Vance said “judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power” — a comment that landed as many pro-Trump voices encouraged the president to defy adverse court orders.

The Justice Department, meanwhile, has insisted the administration is scrupulously abiding by the orders even as the department calls them “impermissible” and even “anti-constitutional.” The White House, too, has said Musk’s “Department of Government Efficiency” is following every court order “to a T.”

One federal judge, however, upbraided the administration for what he said was a violation of his order to lift a freeze on federal grants, and he hinted he might hold administration officials in contempt for further non-compliance.

“The broad categorical and sweeping freeze of federal funds is, as the Court found, likely unconstitutional,” U.S. District Judge John McConnell wrote, “and has caused and continues to cause irreparable harm to a vast portion of this country.”

The Trump administration quickly appealed the order, saying the just vastly overreached in his attempt to constrain the president’s management of federal funds and believed officials had been faithfully implementing his directives.

By Tuesday morning, Trump joined the chorus of court critics. “[C]ertain activists and highly political judges want us to slow down, or stop,” Trump said on Truth Social. “Losing this momentum will be very detrimental to finding the TRUTH.”

The truth, though, is that Trump court fights have already slowed his momentum. Trump’s most dramatic policy initiatives are on hold, including his attempt to end the right to birthright citizenship, his firing of thousands of people at USAID and his effort to enforce a swift deadline for federal workers to accept the deferred-resignation offer that Musk’s team has dubbed “A Fork in the Road.”

The federal district judges who have blocked these and other policies were appointed by presidents of both parties and span the ideological spectrum. Operating on short timetables caused by the breakneck pace of Trump’s executive orders and other maneuvers, the judges are issuing what they describe as short-term pauses to keep the status quo in place while litigation proceeds.

But these district judges — the lowest level in the three-tiered federal court system — are unlikely to have the last word. Already, some of the legal challenges have begun to arrive at appellate courts and may soon be en route to the Supreme Court, where Trump expects a friendlier reception.


For instance, in the litigation over Trump’s attempt to freeze vast amounts of federal spending, the Justice Department has asked an appeals court for an “emergency” block on McConnell’s order to keep the funding spigot open. The department has also appealed an order blocking Trump’s bid to end birthright citizenship.

Beyond the judicial rulings themselves, the court battles are producing something else: information. In a battery of lawsuits challenging Musk’s opaque “Department of Government Efficiency,” the Justice Department has had to produce sworn affidavits about the secretive operations.

In one case, a top Musk ally — Thomas Krause — described his handling of Treasury’s massive payment system, indicating he has “over the shoulder” access to view it and has toyed with copies of the code underlying the system. In another, Trump’s day-to-day manager of USAID, Peter Marocco, filed a 12-page affidavit describing efforts to shutter the agency — and forced DOJ to admit that those efforts were more extensive than lawyers had previously acknowledged in court. The administration revealed in yet another case that FBI leaders had been resisting efforts by Trump’s Justice Department appointees to fork over the names of agents who worked on Jan. 6 cases.
Pretty telling that Dems are so against cleaning up corruption.

The Dem position is indefensible. They may not win an election for a decade.
 
Pretty telling that Dems are so against cleaning up corruption.

The Dem position is indefensible. They may not win an election for a decade.

I think a lot of people, Democrats and some Republicans, have some honest concerns about the way the administration is handling some of this.

But the Democrats are again going to the mattresses on a subject that they aren't really in line with the public on. Foreign aid is very unpopular with the public, and in general the idea of cutting spending and especially waste is broadly popular.

Now, that doesn't mean you don't do what you think it right politics be damned, but if I were Dems I would really focus on procedure and authority, and not so much on a general stand to stop Trump and Musk from the overall project of cutting spending. Or maybe zero in on a couple of priorities to fight and see if you can make Trump look bad. The hissy fit over each and every cut runs the risk of lining up as Trump and Musk trying to cut waste and Dems blocking them at every turn, which is a position that puts the Democrats on the wrong side of popular opinion once again.

Somehow the Democrats have to figure out how to stop being maneuvered by Trump into the unpopular side of so many issues.
 
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No one is playing your game here.

Waste, fraud and abuse has been widely reported.

No games. The allegation was “Pretty telling that Dems are so against cleaning up corruption.”

I simply asked for evidence of said corruption. It was a genuine question.

Heck, forget about evidence, how about simply identifying “corruption” uncovered by DOGE.
 
Judges are not God.

Their orders must be lawful.
Many judicial orders are subsequently overturned, thereby shining light on this fact.

Their orders are enforcing the Constitution of the United States of America. The Executive Branch does not have the power to do what is being attempted.

To an unbiased observer, it’s not controversial.

Can the majority of things Trump wants done happen? Yes. But it’s up to Congress, not the President.
 
Their orders are enforcing the Constitution of the United States of America. The Executive Branch does not have the power to do what is being attempted.

To an unbiased observer, it’s not controversial.

Can the majority of things Trump wants done happen? Yes. But it’s up to Congress, not the President.
The data has already been accessed the data crawlers have done their job. The process of crawling follows links to many different pages. Crawlers scrape in this process. They don’t only scan through pages, they collect all relevant information indexing it in the process, they also seek out all links to relevant pages in the process.
 
Pretty telling that Dems are so against cleaning up corruption.

The Dem position is indefensible. They may not win an election for a decade.
You mean like letting a foreign born billionaire access to our entire treasury department and many other agencies? One who wasn't elected nor congressionally approved?

I'm all for government efficiency and eliminating corruption but the way it's being done isn't remotely transparent.
 

Unfreeze spending. Un-fire appointees. Un-delete websites. Un-gut research grants. Un-fork Elon Musk’s bureaucrat resignation program.

Federal courts are ablaze with orders blocking many of President Donald Trump’s early efforts to transform the federal bureaucracy and expand executive power. The adverse rulings, though temporary, are defining the first chapter of Trump’s second presidency.

Over a 24-hour period starting Monday morning, six judges took steps to rein in the new president. More emergency orders are expected Tuesday and later this week. They follow nine other orders in the previous two weeks abruptly halting some of Trump’s aggressive executive actions, at times warning that they flagrantly violate federal laws and the Constitution.

The escalating confrontation between the president and the courts is riling Trump and his allies. Elon Musk labeled it a “judicial coup.” JD Vance said “judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power” — a comment that landed as many pro-Trump voices encouraged the president to defy adverse court orders.

The Justice Department, meanwhile, has insisted the administration is scrupulously abiding by the orders even as the department calls them “impermissible” and even “anti-constitutional.” The White House, too, has said Musk’s “Department of Government Efficiency” is following every court order “to a T.”

One federal judge, however, upbraided the administration for what he said was a violation of his order to lift a freeze on federal grants, and he hinted he might hold administration officials in contempt for further non-compliance.

“The broad categorical and sweeping freeze of federal funds is, as the Court found, likely unconstitutional,” U.S. District Judge John McConnell wrote, “and has caused and continues to cause irreparable harm to a vast portion of this country.”

The Trump administration quickly appealed the order, saying the just vastly overreached in his attempt to constrain the president’s management of federal funds and believed officials had been faithfully implementing his directives.

By Tuesday morning, Trump joined the chorus of court critics. “[C]ertain activists and highly political judges want us to slow down, or stop,” Trump said on Truth Social. “Losing this momentum will be very detrimental to finding the TRUTH.”

The truth, though, is that Trump court fights have already slowed his momentum. Trump’s most dramatic policy initiatives are on hold, including his attempt to end the right to birthright citizenship, his firing of thousands of people at USAID and his effort to enforce a swift deadline for federal workers to accept the deferred-resignation offer that Musk’s team has dubbed “A Fork in the Road.”

The federal district judges who have blocked these and other policies were appointed by presidents of both parties and span the ideological spectrum. Operating on short timetables caused by the breakneck pace of Trump’s executive orders and other maneuvers, the judges are issuing what they describe as short-term pauses to keep the status quo in place while litigation proceeds.

But these district judges — the lowest level in the three-tiered federal court system — are unlikely to have the last word. Already, some of the legal challenges have begun to arrive at appellate courts and may soon be en route to the Supreme Court, where Trump expects a friendlier reception.


For instance, in the litigation over Trump’s attempt to freeze vast amounts of federal spending, the Justice Department has asked an appeals court for an “emergency” block on McConnell’s order to keep the funding spigot open. The department has also appealed an order blocking Trump’s bid to end birthright citizenship.

Beyond the judicial rulings themselves, the court battles are producing something else: information. In a battery of lawsuits challenging Musk’s opaque “Department of Government Efficiency,” the Justice Department has had to produce sworn affidavits about the secretive operations.

In one case, a top Musk ally — Thomas Krause — described his handling of Treasury’s massive payment system, indicating he has “over the shoulder” access to view it and has toyed with copies of the code underlying the system. In another, Trump’s day-to-day manager of USAID, Peter Marocco, filed a 12-page affidavit describing efforts to shutter the agency — and forced DOJ to admit that those efforts were more extensive than lawyers had previously acknowledged in court. The administration revealed in yet another case that FBI leaders had been resisting efforts by Trump’s Justice Department appointees to fork over the names of agents who worked on Jan. 6 cases.

A few liberal judges. No big deal, they will be overruled.
 
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