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A nation of laws no more

Even, in a circumstance where the Law's architect is recorded over and over providing context, meaning and expected outcome? I could see where that would be confusing.

Totally irrelevant. He could come out and say I wrote the entire law all by myself all this is what I meant and it still wouldn't matter. All that matters is what congress believed the law meant. We've seen this before with situations where phrma and other trade associations like the chamber of commerce wrote laws and their intent was disregard for congress.
 
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I am curious as to how this will affect contract law. Can't someone realistically say that is not what I meant when I signed the contract?? I thought it meant this so the contract does not apply?? And then you would have to go to the court to figure out what the actual interpretation is?

Like i said, this case has nothing to do with contract law.
 
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Wise.

Are you arguing that original intent of a person who never voted on the law is a better standard than textualism? Scalia laughs at you most days.

I am saying that the intent was laid out in front of them and they made a decision on politics. That is what was done here. You can continue to do your pre-law contortion as you see fit.
 
I am saying that the intent was laid out in front of them and they made a decision on politics. That is what was done here. You can continue to do your pre-law contortion as you see fit.
Thats not what intent is.
 
Even, in a circumstance where the Law's architect is recorded over and over providing context, meaning and expected outcome? I could see where that would be confusing.

Most justices on the Court are not believers in even legislative intent - they get purpose and intent from the text of the entire statute.

If they don't believe in legislative intent, they certainly aren't going to go down a couple more levels to the purported "architect" of the law.

As if only one person was responsible for any statute's language. Justice Scalia would find that funny. Laws are an amalgam of the work of hundreds of people, from congressional staffers, committees, committee attorneys, lobbyists, lobbyists' attorneys, committee members, then the full body of both house and senate, the entire amendment process, house and senate conference committees, conference committee attorneys, etc.

There is no way to say, in isolation, that Joe Smith wrote this section and he meant Section 9, Paragraph 7, Clause (iii)(a) to mean "x" ....
 
Like i said, this case has nothing to do with contract law.

I understand that but the premise is that if something is in writing, and the intent of one part was different can't this be used?? I am not trying to be a Richard either, it just seems that if someone meant something different they could now say, Hey that is not what I meant and this opens up the court for interpretation on what you meant instead of what you said.
 
I understand that but the premise is that if something is in writing, and the intent of one part was different can't this be used?? I am not trying to be a Richard either, it just seems that if someone meant something different they could now say, Hey that is not what I meant and this opens up the court for interpretation on what you meant instead of what you said.

Contract law and statutory law are two different areas of law that have different rules. Google parole evidence rule.
 
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I don't know how you can lump together the Court's ACA and SSM decisions. The same-sex marriage case was about a foundamental right and equal protection. Once marriage is secularized - which it must be - the SCOTUS opinion is based on sound constitutional analysis.

Absolutely correct. All of the non-legal prose and embellishment by the dissents on this issue are actually rather embarrassing.

Any moderate, who sympathizes with the position of the religious side, can understand how they feel; but that is no reason to withhold the rights to a personal contract which conveys so many rights to opposite-sex married couples.

Also, note that no one went the route in legal proceedings to allow a 'separate, but equal' legal construction such as a 'civil union', because there is already ample precedent that 'separate but equal' is 'inherently unequal' in the eyes of the law. Thus, there is really a simple answer on this, and it unfortunately goes against the morals of many (alleged) religious people.
 
This is BS. In both the resent ACA and the SSM cases the justices looked at the text and determined the meaning correctly based on the text. The text of the entire ACA supports the decision. That's the standard textualists advocate. The text of the 14th support the decision, just like textualists say is important. That scolia so often advocates this standard and yet found a way to vote against both cases will be a stain on his legacy; he will never recover. There certainly is a political hack on the court, but you need to look to your hero for that. This is just sour grapes.
You can't be serious? They completely dreamed up their response on ACA.
 
Could you please explain within the framework of the chevron analysis?
Maybe it's time to rethink the Chevron Doctrine according to which courts are supposed to defer to bureaucrats in interpreting the law. That doctrine applies if there is an ambiguity. There was no ambiguity in the words "established by the states."

Their decision was fatally flawed by sheer common misunderstanding of the English language.
 
Maybe it's time to rethink the Chevron Doctrine according to which courts are supposed to defer to bureaucrats in interpreting the law. That doctrine applies if there is an ambiguity. There was no ambiguity in the words "established by the states."

Their decision was fatally flawed by sheer common misunderstanding of the English language.

"when conducting statutory analysis, “a reviewing court should not confine itself to examining a particular statutory provision in isolation. Rather, [t]he meaning – or ambiguity – of certain words or phrases may only become evident when placed in context.”
 
"when conducting statutory analysis, “a reviewing court should not confine itself to examining a particular statutory provision in isolation. Rather, [t]he meaning – or ambiguity – of certain words or phrases may only become evident when placed in context.”
There wasn't any ambiguity in the phrase.
 
There wasn't any ambiguity in the phrase.

“The objective of Chevron step one is not to interpret and apply the statute to resolve a claim, but to determine whether Congress’s intent in enacting it was so clear as to foreclose any other interpretation.”

§ 1311’s directive that each State establish an Exchange cannot be understood literally in light of § 1321, which provides that a state may “elect” to do so. Section 1321(c) provides that if a state fails to establish an Exchange by January 1, 2014, the Secretary “shall . . . establish and operate such Exchange within the State and the Secretary shall take such actions as are necessary to implement such other requirements.”

In other words, the statute mandates the existence of state Exchanges, but directs HHS to establish such Exchanges when the states fail to do so themselves. In the absence of state action, the federal government is required to step in and create, by definition, “an American Health Benefit Exchange established under [§] 1311” on behalf of the state.
 
“The objective of Chevron step one is not to interpret and apply the statute to resolve a claim, but to determine whether Congress’s intent in enacting it was so clear as to foreclose any other interpretation.”

§ 1311’s directive that each State establish an Exchange cannot be understood literally in light of § 1321, which provides that a state may “elect” to do so. Section 1321(c) provides that if a state fails to establish an Exchange by January 1, 2014, the Secretary “shall . . . establish and operate such Exchange within the State and the Secretary shall take such actions as are necessary to implement such other requirements.”

In other words, the statute mandates the existence of state Exchanges, but directs HHS to establish such Exchanges when the states fail to do so themselves. In the absence of state action, the federal government is required to step in and create, by definition, “an American Health Benefit Exchange established under [§] 1311” on behalf of the state.
You might want to reread Chevron then study how it has been applied to similar cases.
 
You might want to reread Chevron then study how it has been applied to similar cases.

Thanks for admitting chevron applies and for the suggestion. I've read the case numerous times both in law school and within the past few months but I'm open to hearing how you think it was applied in other cases.
 
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There wasn't any ambiguity in the phrase.

You're correct. Unless there is an ambiquity you don't even get to Chevron. If this isn't obvious, here's two quote from the majority opinion in the King:

The Fourth Circuit viewed the Act as “ambiguous and subject to at least two different interpretations.” Id., at 372. The court therefore deferred to the IRS’s interpretation under Chevron U. S. A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U. S. 837 (1984). . . .

When analyzing an agency’s interpretation of a statute,we often apply the two-step framework announced in Chevron, 467 U. S. 837. Under that framework, we ask whether the statute is ambiguous and, if so, whether the agency’s interpretation is reasonable. Id., at 842–843. This approach “is premised on the theory that a statute’s ambiguity constitutes an implicit delegation from Congress to the agency to fill in the statutory gaps.” FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 529 U. S. 120, 159 (2000).
The ambiquity must precede the Chevron analysis. IMO the majority misapplied Chevron to conjure an ambiquity that clearly didn't exist. Very deceptive.
 
You're correct. Unless there is an ambiquity you don't even get to Chevron. If this isn't obvious, here's two quote from the majority opinion in the King:

The Fourth Circuit viewed the Act as “ambiguous and subject to at least two different interpretations.” Id., at 372. The court therefore deferred to the IRS’s interpretation under Chevron U. S. A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U. S. 837 (1984). . . .

When analyzing an agency’s interpretation of a statute,we often apply the two-step framework announced in Chevron, 467 U. S. 837. Under that framework, we ask whether the statute is ambiguous and, if so, whether the agency’s interpretation is reasonable. Id., at 842–843. This approach “is premised on the theory that a statute’s ambiguity constitutes an implicit delegation from Congress to the agency to fill in the statutory gaps.” FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 529 U. S. 120, 159 (2000).
The ambiquity must precede the Chevron analysis. IMO the majority misapplied Chevron to conjure an ambiquity that clearly didn't exist. Very deceptive.

Completely wrong; the ambiguity determination is the first step.

At Chevron’s first step, a court looks to the “plain meaning” of the statute to determine if the regulation responds to it. Chevron, 467 U.S. at 842-43. If it does, that is the end of the inquiry and the regulation stands. Id. However, if the statute is susceptible to multiple interpretations, the court then moves to Chevron’s second step and defers to the agency’s interpretation so long as it is based on a permissible construction of the statute. Id. at 843.

“The objective of Chevron step one is not to interpret and apply the statute to resolve a claim, but to determine whether Congress’s intent in enacting it was so clear as to foreclose any other interpretation.”
 
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gordo, you're playing word games. The first step in analyzing any agency action is to determine whether it's authorized by statute. So reading the statute comes first, whether it's a preliminary matter or step one in Chevron - what difference does it make.

Your argument with Arbitr8 makes absolutely no sense if you are admitting that the ambiquity question comes first regardless. Where are you going with this?
 
gordo, you're playing word games. The first step in analyzing any agency action is to determine whether it's authorized by statute. So reading the statute comes first, whether it's a preliminary matter or step one in Chevron - what difference does it make.

Your argument with Arbitr8 makes absolutely no sense if you are admitting that the ambiquity question comes first regardless. Where are you going with this?


I think this is pretty straight forward:

“The objective of Chevron step one is not to interpret and apply the statute to resolve a claim, but to determine whether Congress’s intent in enacting it was so clear as to foreclose any other interpretation.”

Is that not ambiguity?
 
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You're correct. Unless there is an ambiquity you don't even get to Chevron. If this isn't obvious, here's two quote from the majority opinion in the King:

The Fourth Circuit viewed the Act as “ambiguous and subject to at least two different interpretations.” Id., at 372. The court therefore deferred to the IRS’s interpretation under Chevron U. S. A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U. S. 837 (1984). . . .

When analyzing an agency’s interpretation of a statute,we often apply the two-step framework announced in Chevron, 467 U. S. 837. Under that framework, we ask whether the statute is ambiguous and, if so, whether the agency’s interpretation is reasonable. Id., at 842–843. This approach “is premised on the theory that a statute’s ambiguity constitutes an implicit delegation from Congress to the agency to fill in the statutory gaps.” FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 529 U. S. 120, 159 (2000).
The ambiquity must precede the Chevron analysis. IMO the majority misapplied Chevron to conjure an ambiquity that clearly didn't exist. Very deceptive.
K
 
You're correct. Unless there is an ambiquity you don't even get to Chevron. If this isn't obvious, here's two quote from the majority opinion in the King:

The Fourth Circuit viewed the Act as “ambiguous and subject to at least two different interpretations.” Id., at 372. The court therefore deferred to the IRS’s interpretation under Chevron U. S. A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U. S. 837 (1984). . . .

When analyzing an agency’s interpretation of a statute,we often apply the two-step framework announced in Chevron, 467 U. S. 837. Under that framework, we ask whether the statute is ambiguous and, if so, whether the agency’s interpretation is reasonable. Id., at 842–843. This approach “is premised on the theory that a statute’s ambiguity constitutes an implicit delegation from Congress to the agency to fill in the statutory gaps.” FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 529 U. S. 120, 159 (2000).
The ambiquity must precede the Chevron analysis. IMO the majority misapplied Chevron to conjure an ambiquity that clearly didn't exist. Very deceptive.

You and I realize that but he doesn't .
 
Thanks for admitting chevron applies and for the suggestion. I've read the case numerous times both in law school and within the past few months but I'm open to hearing how you think it was applied in other cases.
I do not believe it remotely applies, as the language and intent are very clear.
 
I do not believe it remotely applies, as the language and intent are very clear.

So how was chevron applied in other cases?

What about the section that says that when a state doesn't create an exchange that the federal government shall create an exchange in the state?

How many of the 6 courts that heard this case held the language ambiguous?
 
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Do you think Roberts was wrong by not relying on Chevron? From the beginning I thought that would be the ruling, but this isn't my area of law.
 
This is worth reading. His observations on the liberal justices is dead on the mark, and it's almost never mentioned.

Let’s Drop the Charade: The Supreme Court Is a Political Branch, Not a Judicial One
By Andrew C. McCarthy — June 27, 2015
‘But this Court is not a legislature.” Chief Justice John Roberts actually published that sentence in his same-sex marriage dissent on Friday . . . a mere 24 hours after his maestro’s performance in the Supreme Court’s legislative rewrite of the Affordable Care Act — formerly known as “Obamacare,” but now etched in memory as “SCOTUScare,” thanks to Justice Antonin Scalia’s withering dissent.

Roberts’s denial that the Court legislates is astonishing in its cynicism: In saving SCOTUScare, the chief justice not only usurped Congress’s law-writing role with gusto; he claimed the powers, first, to divine legislative purpose from its contradictory expression in legislative language, and, then, to manufacture legislative ambiguity as the pretext for twisting the language to serve the contrived purpose.

It takes a Clintonian quantum of cheek to pull that off one day and, on the next, to inveigh against the very thought of it.

Already, an ocean of ink has been spilled analyzing, lauding, and bemoaning the Supreme Court’s work this week: a second life line tossed to SCOTUScare in just three years; the location of a heretofore unknown constitutional right to same-sex marriage almost a century-and-a-half after the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment; and the refashioning of Congress’s Fair Housing Act to embrace legal academe’s loopy “disparate impact” theory of inducing discrimination.

Yet, for all the non-stop commentary, one detail goes nearly unmentioned — the omission that best explains this week’s Fundamental Transformation trifecta.

Did you notice that there was not an iota of speculation about how the four Progressive justices would vote?

There was never a shadow of a doubt. In the plethora of opinions generated by these three cases, there is not a single one authored by Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Elena Kagan, or Sonia Sotomayor. There was no need. They are the Left’s voting bloc. There was a better chance that the sun would not rise this morning than that any of them would wander off the reservation.

There was not an iota of speculation about how the four Progressive justices would vote.
How can that be? Jurisprudence is complex. Supple minds, however likeminded, will often diverge, sometimes dramatically, on principles of constitutional adjudication, canons of statutory construction, murky separation-of-powers boundaries, the etymology of language, and much else. Witness, for example, the spirited debate between theCourt’s two originalists, Scalia and Clarence Thomas, over a statute that, in defiance of Obama policy, treats Jerusalem as sovereign Israeli territory.

But not the Court’s lefties, not on the major cases.

And it is not so much that they move in lockstep. It is that no one expects them to do anything but move in lockstep — not their fellow justices, not the political branches, and certainly not the commentariat, right or left.

It is simply accepted that these justices are not there to judge. They are there to vote. They get to the desired outcome the same way disparate-impact voodoo always manages to get to discrimination: Start at the end and work backwards. Guiding precedents are for the quaint business of administering justice. In the social justice business, the road never before traveled will do if one less traveled is unavailable.

But there’s a problem. Once it has become a given that a critical mass of the Supreme Court is no longer expected, much less obliged, to do law, then the Court is no longer a legal institution. It is a political institution.

That is where we are. We should thus drop the pretense that the Court is a tribunal worthy of the protections our system designed for a non-political entity — life-tenure, insulation from elections, and the veil of secrecy that shrouds judicial deliberations.

If the justices are going to do politics, they should be in electoral politics. If John Roberts is going to write laws on the days when he isn’t posing as powerless to write laws, if Anthony Kennedy truly believes the country craves his eccentric notion of liberty (one that condemns government restraints on marriage 24 hours after it tightens government’s noose around one-sixth of the U.S. economy), then their seats should not be in an insulated third branch of government. They should be in an accountable third chamber of Congress.

If, for old times’ sake, we want to maintain some harmless vestige of the charade, then let them keep wearing their robes to work — for at least as long as they can persuade voters to keep them in these jobs. Let’s dispense, though, with the fiction that their judgments are the product of legal acumen rather than sheer will.

Today’s Court has been called “post-constitutional.” That’s accurate, but it’s not complete. Its latest rulings are post-law. The SCOTUScare case, King v. Burwell, was not a constitutional case at all; it was a straightforward matter of statutory interpretation. What made it ostensibly straightforward was the law: a statute that says, “an Exchange established by the State,” cannot possibly mean “an Exchange not established by the State.” If we were a nation of laws, such a case would never make it to the highest court in the land.

But we are a nation of will, the will of a determined political movement, so the law never had a chance.

The Supreme Court is not unique in being captured by progressives. It is a lagging indicator, its crush of late-June edicts reflecting what’s become of the political class of which it is now very much a part. The president rules unilaterally and in contravention of the laws. Half of Congress applauds, the rest shrugs and says there is nothing to be done. The elements of the progressive agenda the political branches don’t feel safe implementing are delegated to anonymous bureaucrats in the administrative state. The courts are there to finish the job, to give any mopping up the aura of legal rigor.

But none of it is about the law, or even expected to be. That time is gone.

— Andrew C. McCarthy is a policy fellow at the National Review Institute.

Pretty much spot on.

Well stated.
 
Do you think Roberts was wrong by not relying on Chevron? From the beginning I thought that would be the ruling, but this isn't my area of law.

I thought it was odd how he didn't apply chevron even though saying the statute was ambiguous. It was interesting that he felt it wasnt necessary to defer to administrative intent since the statute although ambiguous must have meant what congress intended. Seems using the second step of chevron would have made more sense.
 
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