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Opinion A Trump dictatorship is increasingly inevitable. We should stop pretending.

cigaretteman

HR King
May 29, 2001
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Robert Kagan, a Post Opinions contributing editor, is the author of “Rebellion: How Antiliberalism Is Tearing America Apart — Again,” which will be published by Knopf in May.
Let’s stop the wishful thinking and face the stark reality: There is a clear path to dictatorship in the United States, and it is getting shorter every day. In 13 weeks, Donald Trump will have locked up the Republican nomination. In the RealClearPolitics poll average (for the period from Nov. 9 to 20), Trump leads his nearest competitor by 47 points and leads the rest of the field combined by 27 points. The idea that he is unelectable in the general election is nonsense — he is tied or ahead of President Biden in all the latest polls — stripping other Republican challengers of their own stated reasons for existence. The fact that many Americans might prefer other candidates, much ballyhooed by such political sages as Karl Rove, will soon become irrelevant when millions of Republican voters turn out to choose the person whom no one allegedly wants.

For many months now, we have been living in a world of self-delusion, rich with imagined possibilities. Maybe it will be Ron DeSantis, or maybe Nikki Haley. Maybe the myriad indictments of Trump will doom him with Republican suburbanites. Such hopeful speculation has allowed us to drift along passively, conducting business as usual, taking no dramatic action to change course, in the hope and expectation that something will happen. Like people on a riverboat, we have long known there is a waterfall ahead but assume we will somehow find our way to shore before we go over the edge. But now the actions required to get us to shore are looking harder and harder, if not downright impossible.
The magical-thinking phase is ending. Barring some miracle, Trump will soon be the presumptive Republican nominee for president. When that happens, there will be a swift and dramatic shift in the political power dynamic, in his favor. Until now, Republicans and conservatives have enjoyed relative freedom to express anti-Trump sentiments, to speak openly and positively about alternative candidates, to vent criticisms of Trump’s behavior past and present. Donors who find Trump distasteful have been free to spread their money around to help his competitors. Establishment Republicans have made no secret of their hope that Trump will be convicted and thus removed from the equation without their having to take a stand against him.



All this will end once Trump wins Super Tuesday. Votes are the currency of power in our system, and money follows, and by those measures, Trump is about to become far more powerful than he already is. The hour of casting about for alternatives is closing. The next phase is about people falling into line.
In fact, it has already begun. As his nomination becomes inevitable, donors are starting to jump from other candidates to Trump. The recent decision by the Koch political network to endorse GOP hopeful Nikki Haley is scarcely sufficient to change this trajectory. And why not? If Trump is going to be the nominee, it makes sense to sign up early while he is still grateful for defectors. Even anti-Trump donors must ask whether their cause is best served by shunning the man who stands a reasonable chance of being the next president. Will corporate executives endanger the interests of their shareholders just because they or their spouses hate Trump? It’s not surprising that people with hard cash on the line are the first to flip.
The rest of the Republican Party will quickly follow. Rove’s recent exhortation that primary voters choose anyone but Trump is the last such plea you are likely to hear from anyone with a future in the party. Even in a normal campaign, intraparty dissent begins to disappear once the primaries produce a clear winner. Most of the leading candidates have already pledged to support Trump if he is the nominee, even before he has won a single primary vote. Imagine their posture after he runs the table on Super Tuesday. Most of the candidates running against him will sprint toward him, competing for his favor. After Super Tuesday, there will be no surer and shorter path to the presidency for a Republican than to become the loyal running mate of a man who will be 82 in 2028.












Republicans who have tried to navigate the Trump era by mixing appeals to non-Trump voters with repeated professions of loyalty to Trump will end that show. As perilous as it is for Republicans to say a negative word about Trump today, it will be impossible once he has sewn up the nomination. The party will be in full general-election mode, subordinating all to the presidential campaign. What Republican or conservative will be standing up to Trump then? Will the Wall Street Journal editorial page, which has been rather boldly opposing Trump, continue to do so once he is the nominee and it is a binary choice between Trump and Biden? There will be no more infighting, only outfighting; in short, a tsunami of Trump support from all directions. A winner is a winner. And a winner who stands a reasonable chance of wielding all the power there is to wield in the world is going to attract support no matter who they are. That is the nature of power, at any time in any society.
But Trump will not only dominate his party. He will again become the central focus of everyone’s attention. Even today, the news media can scarcely resist following Trump’s every word and action. Once he secures the nomination, he will loom over the country like a colossus, his every word and gesture chronicled endlessly. Even today, the mainstream news media, including The Post and NBC News, is joining forces with Trump’s lawyers to seek televised coverage of his federal criminal trial in D.C. Trump intends to use the trial to boost his candidacy and discredit the American justice system as corrupt — and the media outlets, serving their own interests, will help him do it.



 
Trump will thus enter the general-election campaign early next year with momentum, backed by growing political and financial resources, and an increasingly unified party. Can the same be said of Biden? Is Biden’s power likely to grow over the coming months? Will his party unify around him? Or will alarm and doubt among Democrats, already high, continue to increase? Even at this point, the president is struggling with double-digit defections among Black Americans and younger voters. Jill Stein and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. have already launched, respectively, third-party and independent campaigns, coming at Biden in the main from the populist left. The decision by Sen. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.) not to run for reelection in West Virginia but instead to contemplate a third-party run for the presidency is potentially devastating. The Democratic coalition is likely to remain fractious as the Republicans unify and Trump consolidates his hold.
Biden, as some have pointed out, does not enjoy the usual advantages of incumbency. Trump is effectively also an incumbent, after all. That means Biden is unable to make the usual incumbent’s claim that electing his opponent is a leap into the unknown. Few Republicans regard the Trump presidency as having been either abnormal or unsuccessful. In his first term, the respected “adults” around him not only blocked some of his most dangerous impulses but also kept them hidden from the public. To this day, some of these same officials rarely speak publicly against him. Why should Republican voters have a problem with Trump if those who served him don’t? Regardless of what Trump’s enemies think, this is going to be a battle of two tested and legitimate presidents.



Trump, meanwhile, enjoys the usual advantage of non-incumbency, namely: the lack of any responsibility. Biden must carry the world’s problems like an albatross around his neck, like any incumbent, but most incumbents can at least claim that their opponent is too inexperienced to be entrusted with these crises. Biden cannot. On Trump’s watch, there was no full-scale invasion of Ukraine, no major attack on Israel, no runaway inflation, no disastrous retreat from Afghanistan. It is hard to make the case for Trump’s unfitness to anyone who does not already believe it.
Trump enjoys some unusual advantages for a challenger, moreover. Even Ronald Reagan did not have Fox News and the speaker of the House in his pocket. To the degree there are structural advantages in the coming general election, in short, they are on Trump’s side. And that is before we even get to the problem that Biden can do nothing to solve: his age.
Trump also enjoys another advantage. The national mood less than a year before the election is one of bipartisan disgust with the political system in general. Rarely in American history has democracy’s inherent messiness been more striking. In Weimar Germany, Hitler and other agitators benefited from the squabbling of the democratic parties, right and left, the endless fights over the budget, the logjams in the legislature, the fragile and fractious coalitions. German voters increasingly yearned for someone to cut through it all and get something — anything — done. It didn’t matter who was behind the political paralysis, either, whether the intransigence came from the right or the left.
Robert Kagan: Our constitutional crisis is already here
Today, Republicans might be responsible for Washington’s dysfunction, and they might pay a price for it in downballot races. But Trump benefits from dysfunction because he is the one who offers a simple answer: him. In this election, only one candidate is running on the platform of using unprecedented power to get things done, to hell with the rules. And a growing number of Americans claim to want that, in both parties. Trump is running against the system. Biden is the living embodiment of the system. Advantage: Trump.
Which brings us to Trump’s expanding legal battlefronts. No doubt Trump would have preferred to run for office without spending most of his time fending off efforts to throw him in jail. Yet it is in the courtroom over the coming months that Trump is going to display his unusual power within the American political system.
It is hard to fault those who have taken Trump to court. He certainly committed at least one of the crimes he is charged with; we don’t need a trial to tell us he tried to overturn the 2020 election. Nor can you blame those who have hoped thereby to obstruct his path back to the Oval Office. When a marauder is crashing through your house, you throw everything you can at him — pots, pans, candlesticks — in the hope of slowing him down and tripping him up. But that doesn’t mean it works.
Trump will not be contained by the courts or the rule of law. On the contrary, he is going to use the trials to display his power. That’s why he wants them televised. Trump’s power comes from his following, not from the institutions of American government, and his devoted voters love him precisely because he crosses lines and ignores the old boundaries. They feel empowered by it, and that in turn empowers him. Even before the trials begin, he is toying with the judges, forcing them to try to muzzle him, defying their orders. He is a bit like King Kong testing the chains on his arms, sensing that he can break free whenever he chooses.
And just wait until the votes start pouring in. Will the judges throw a presumptive Republican nominee in jail for contempt of court? Once it becomes clear that they will not, then the power balance within the courtroom, and in the country at large, will shift again to Trump. The likeliest outcome of the trials will be to demonstrate our judicial system’s inability to contain someone like Trump and, incidentally, to reveal its impotence as a check should he become president. Indicting Trump for trying to overthrow the government will prove akin to indicting Caesar for crossing the Rubicon, and just as effective. Like Caesar, Trump wields a clout that transcends the laws and institutions of government, based on the unswerving personal loyalty of his army of followers.
 
Robert Kagan is among the chief neocons and just happens to be married to Victoria Nuland.

Trump is enormous threat to their desire to expand our overseas wars.
 
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And now for a live look in at chis:

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Robert Kagan is among the chief neocons and just happens to be married to Victoria Nuland.

Trump is enormous threat to their desire to expand our overseas wars.
LOL...Trump is the poster child for politicians who can be bought and his price is as low as stroking his fvcking ego. The idea that he's got any morally centered opposition to anything is laughable. He'd launch WWIII if he thought it would benefit him.
 
LOL...Trump is the poster child for politicians who can be bought and his price is as low as stroking his fvcking ego. The idea that he's got any morally centered opposition to anything is laughable. He'd launch WWIII if he thought it would benefit him.
And yet he found benefit in pointing out that our interventions the last 30 years have been “stupid wars” that didn’t benefit Americans, and Americans agreed with the sentiment.

The neocons can’t win the argument for their forever wars on the merits, I just hope next fall Americans have a choice between the interventionists and the non-interventionists.

The Establishment’s hope is we’re deciding if Biden or Haley leads our next invasion.
 
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How much derp can there be onthis subject? It seems endless.
 
A constitutional amendment is badly needed to disqualify felons from holding the presidency. You're not going to see it any time soon but it will definitely come in the future. Trump is facing 91 felony charges, and as so clearly stated by Liz Cheney, has no business ever near the oval office.

Cheeto should already be disqualified based on the text of the 14th amendment. However, that requires judges and legislators to follow the constitution and not punt and hope voters bail them out.
 
When Trump is the topic, the derp absolutely is endless.


The world will be a much better place when he's dead.
Agreed. These derp Trump posts are endless and the world will be better off.
 
And yet he found benefit in pointing out that our interventions the last 30 years have been “stupid wars” that didn’t benefit Americans, and Americans agreed with the sentiment.

The neocons can’t win the argument for their forever wars on the merits, I just hope next fall Americans have a choice between the interventionists and the non-interventionists.

The Establishment’s hope is we’re deciding if Biden or Haley leads our next invasion.
Americans agreed with that sentiment and Trump seized on it. He would have been 100% the other way had public opinion led him that way. There is zero evidence that he opposed either Afghanistan or Iraq prior to the invasions and he voiced tepid response for going into Iraq six months before the invasion.
 
Americans agreed with that sentiment and Trump seized on it. He would have been 100% the other way had public opinion led him that way. There is zero evidence that he opposed either Afghanistan or Iraq prior to the invasions and he voiced tepid response for going into Iraq six months before the invasion.
Wouldn’t surprise me at all, and it’s not important to me how he felt before or during insomuch as I hope Americans have a choice that isn’t neocon Kang or neocon Kodos.
 
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H

Hell, I voted for the guy who invented the internet but I’m sure seminole thinks he was just like W.
I voted for W because of this distinction:

During last year's presidential campaign, George W. Bush expressed contempt for "nation-building." In the October 3, 2000, debate, he warned: "If we don't stop extending our troops all around the world in nation-building missions, then we're going to have a serious problem coming down the road. I'm going to prevent that."
Democratic presidential nominee Al Gore was cautiously defensive about nation-building.

https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2001/10/not-exactly-a-bush-flip-flop/377745/
 
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I voted for W because of this distinction:

During last year's presidential campaign, George W. Bush expressed contempt for "nation-building." In the October 3, 2000, debate, he warned: "If we don't stop extending our troops all around the world in nation-building missions, then we're going to have a serious problem coming down the road. I'm going to prevent that."
Democratic presidential nominee Al Gore was cautiously defensive about nation-building.

https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2001/10/not-exactly-a-bush-flip-flop/377745/
And that’s because Gore understood that if you invade a country and take out the existing regime…YOU HAVE TO “NATION BUILD”.
 
Title of the article is Rebellion: How Antiliberalism Is Tearing America Apart
if the left restricted their positions to liberalism they can beat trump’s ass, so i don’t buy the argument. problem is they have to adapt and prove that they are liberals per understanding of those who aren’t already in the bag
 
And that’s because Gore understood that if you invade a country and take out the existing regime…YOU HAVE TO “NATION BUILD”.
Worked great in Haiti, right?
Or Somalia.
Did Obama ignore the "NATION BUILD" the eight years he had the reins on Afghanistan?

Or are there serious flaws in the neocon theory about how easy it is for all the king's men and all the king's horses to put Humpty back together again?
 
Replace biden with kennedy. He would have a good shot at beating trump as the dem candidate. Newsom and Harris are both terrible candidates and would get spanked by trump.
 
Title of the article is Rebellion: How Antiliberalism Is Tearing America Apart
if the left restricted their positions to liberalism they can beat trump’s ass, so i don’t buy the argument. problem is they have to adapt and prove that they are liberals per understanding of those who aren’t already in the bag

You cannot beat a cult. MAGA is a cult.
 
LOL...Trump is the poster child for politicians who can be bought and his price is as low as stroking his fvcking ego. The idea that he's got any morally centered opposition to anything is laughable. He'd launch WWIII if he thought it would benefit him.
Trump doesn’t need to be bought. His stupidity is free, you just have listen and he’ll sell you the world.
 
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