Last month, congressional leaders from both parties bestowed a rare honor on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu by inviting him to address a joint meeting of Congress. With that speech, now scheduled for July 24, Congress is giving Netanyahu a platform to interfere in U.S. politics, as he has done before. And as Democrats — who are now considering whether to boycott the address — clearly understand, the consequences could be significant. If Netanyahu uses his speech to undermine the Biden administration’s diplomatic efforts and attack his own Democratic critics, that could further politicize the U.S.-Israel relationship, damaging it over the long term.
On Capitol Hill, many Democrats are frustrated that Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) agreed to the proposal by House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) to honor Netanyahu with a fourth joint meeting address, surpassing Winston Churchill’s tally. After all, it was Schumer himself who gave a speech in March calling for new elections in Israel and describing Netanyahu as an “obstacle to peace.” Several Democrats told me Schumer was boxed in politically, not wanting to seem anti-Israel in an election year by refusing. In a statement, Schumer said he signed on because “America’s relationship with Israel is ironclad and transcends one person.”
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Several senior Democrats told me they haven’t decided whether they will attend because they predict Netanyahu will use the speech to attack the Biden administration and Democrats. In 2015, Netanyahu used a joint meeting address to lobby against the Iran nuclear deal, then the Obama administration’s top diplomatic initiative. Fifty-eight Democrats skipped that speech. This time, the number could be higher.
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Netanyahu’s 2015 speech to Congress was a mistake for him and for Israel, Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), who is leaning toward attending, told me. Netanyahu’s mission to thwart the Iran deal failed. And the surrounding controversy deepened fissures between elements of the American political establishment and Israel for years to come.
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“I would have hoped he would have learned his lesson, but I don’t think he is guided by what’s best for the U.S.-Israel relationship,” Murphy said, adding that what guides Netanyahu is staying in power. “I’m deeply worried about what he’s going to say and that it’s just going to exacerbate the problems that Israel has in the United States and around the world.”
Democrats are in a bind. If they boycott Netanyahu, they open themselves up to attacks from the right as being anti-Israel. If they attend, they face criticism from the progressive left as being a prop for an attack on their own party.
Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.) told me he met with Michael Herzog, Israel’s ambassador to the United States, on Tuesday to convey his concerns about the speech. Coons said he won’t commit to attending until he is assured that Netanyahu is not planning to use it as a partisan and divisive exercise.
“If this is anything like the 2015 speech, that is unwelcome and unconstructive,” Coons said. “If it is the prime minister coming to announce a concrete plan for humanitarian relief, Palestinian self-governance or a path forward for the region, I’m interested.”
Netanyahu could choose to use the speech to thank the American people for their support, endorse the Biden administration’s approach and lay out his vision for the future of Israeli-Palestinian relations, as some Israeli commentators have suggested. But there’s no indication so far that he is prepared to do that. During Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s trip to the region this week, Netanyahu wouldn’t even confirm Blinken’s claim that Israel is on board with the cease-fire plan that President Biden publicly announced three weeks ago and that the U.N. Security Council endorsed 14-0.
Of course, Hamas hasn’t accepted the cease-fire proposal either, responding this week with requested changes. And Netanyahu’s resistance to Biden’s proposals doesn’t change the fact that Hamas bears responsibility for starting the war, kidnapping hostages and continuing to attack Israel. Everyone agrees Israel has a right to defend itself. And as a basic principle, the prime minister of Israel should be welcome to speak before Congress.
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But by inviting him at this particular moment, congressional Republicans are not only helping Netanyahu undermine the Biden administration’s diplomatic strategy but are also throwing him a political lifeline, said Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), who also has not decided whether he will attend.
“Everything points to the fact that Netanyahu is focused on his own political survival at the expense of the interests of Israel and at the expense of the U.S.-Israel relationship,” Van Hollen told me. “We shouldn’t be a part of advancing his agenda.”
Hopefully, the parties will reach a cease-fire deal before Netanyahu’s speech, which was rescheduled from June 13 because of the Jewish holiday of Shavuot. That would change the atmosphere significantly. But if the situation then is roughly the same as it is today, Republicans would be giving Netanyahu cover to resist any pressure from the Biden team. Perhaps that is their goal.
Still, lawmakers should ask themselves whether the short-term political benefit of this tactic is worth the potential long-term damage. What’s different from 2015 is that Israel’s standing among the broader American public is more in question than ever before. The objective of both parties should be to preserve bipartisan support for a strong U.S.-Israel relationship for future generations. Netanyahu’s speech could be a step backward from that goal.
On Capitol Hill, many Democrats are frustrated that Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) agreed to the proposal by House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) to honor Netanyahu with a fourth joint meeting address, surpassing Winston Churchill’s tally. After all, it was Schumer himself who gave a speech in March calling for new elections in Israel and describing Netanyahu as an “obstacle to peace.” Several Democrats told me Schumer was boxed in politically, not wanting to seem anti-Israel in an election year by refusing. In a statement, Schumer said he signed on because “America’s relationship with Israel is ironclad and transcends one person.”
Sign up for Democracy, Refreshed, a newsletter series on how to renovate the republic.
Several senior Democrats told me they haven’t decided whether they will attend because they predict Netanyahu will use the speech to attack the Biden administration and Democrats. In 2015, Netanyahu used a joint meeting address to lobby against the Iran nuclear deal, then the Obama administration’s top diplomatic initiative. Fifty-eight Democrats skipped that speech. This time, the number could be higher.
ADVERTISING
Netanyahu’s 2015 speech to Congress was a mistake for him and for Israel, Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), who is leaning toward attending, told me. Netanyahu’s mission to thwart the Iran deal failed. And the surrounding controversy deepened fissures between elements of the American political establishment and Israel for years to come.
Follow Election 2024
“I would have hoped he would have learned his lesson, but I don’t think he is guided by what’s best for the U.S.-Israel relationship,” Murphy said, adding that what guides Netanyahu is staying in power. “I’m deeply worried about what he’s going to say and that it’s just going to exacerbate the problems that Israel has in the United States and around the world.”
Democrats are in a bind. If they boycott Netanyahu, they open themselves up to attacks from the right as being anti-Israel. If they attend, they face criticism from the progressive left as being a prop for an attack on their own party.
Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.) told me he met with Michael Herzog, Israel’s ambassador to the United States, on Tuesday to convey his concerns about the speech. Coons said he won’t commit to attending until he is assured that Netanyahu is not planning to use it as a partisan and divisive exercise.
“If this is anything like the 2015 speech, that is unwelcome and unconstructive,” Coons said. “If it is the prime minister coming to announce a concrete plan for humanitarian relief, Palestinian self-governance or a path forward for the region, I’m interested.”
Netanyahu could choose to use the speech to thank the American people for their support, endorse the Biden administration’s approach and lay out his vision for the future of Israeli-Palestinian relations, as some Israeli commentators have suggested. But there’s no indication so far that he is prepared to do that. During Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s trip to the region this week, Netanyahu wouldn’t even confirm Blinken’s claim that Israel is on board with the cease-fire plan that President Biden publicly announced three weeks ago and that the U.N. Security Council endorsed 14-0.
Of course, Hamas hasn’t accepted the cease-fire proposal either, responding this week with requested changes. And Netanyahu’s resistance to Biden’s proposals doesn’t change the fact that Hamas bears responsibility for starting the war, kidnapping hostages and continuing to attack Israel. Everyone agrees Israel has a right to defend itself. And as a basic principle, the prime minister of Israel should be welcome to speak before Congress.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opini...=mc_magnet-opisrael-gaza_inline_collection_19
But by inviting him at this particular moment, congressional Republicans are not only helping Netanyahu undermine the Biden administration’s diplomatic strategy but are also throwing him a political lifeline, said Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), who also has not decided whether he will attend.
“Everything points to the fact that Netanyahu is focused on his own political survival at the expense of the interests of Israel and at the expense of the U.S.-Israel relationship,” Van Hollen told me. “We shouldn’t be a part of advancing his agenda.”
Hopefully, the parties will reach a cease-fire deal before Netanyahu’s speech, which was rescheduled from June 13 because of the Jewish holiday of Shavuot. That would change the atmosphere significantly. But if the situation then is roughly the same as it is today, Republicans would be giving Netanyahu cover to resist any pressure from the Biden team. Perhaps that is their goal.
Still, lawmakers should ask themselves whether the short-term political benefit of this tactic is worth the potential long-term damage. What’s different from 2015 is that Israel’s standing among the broader American public is more in question than ever before. The objective of both parties should be to preserve bipartisan support for a strong U.S.-Israel relationship for future generations. Netanyahu’s speech could be a step backward from that goal.
