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The Trumpification of the Senate GOP

cigaretteman

HR King
May 29, 2001
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Former president Donald Trump has never had as strong of a hold on Senate Republicans as he does now.
The Senate GOP had been slow to get behind the former president. But Republicans’ tumultuous week fighting over strategy, policy and leadership has hardened the president's grip on the conference.



The splitting of the Senate Republican conference into two factions was on display in a Thursday vote to advance a $96 billion national security supplemental to provide military funding for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, and humanitarian aid for Gaza.
Funding for Ukraine has become a hot-button topic on the right, where Republican voters, influenced by Trump, are increasingly skeptical of spending billions of dollars to help Ukraine as it fights a stalemated war with Russia.
While the vote tally could change when the Senate votes on final passage, likely early next week, it’s clear the traditional, defense-hawk Republican wing is shrinking and the “America First” element of the party is growing.

When the Senate passed $40 billion of aid for Ukraine in May 2022, only 11 Republicans opposed it. Yesterday, 31 opposed it.


  • Of the 17 Republicans who voted for the aid — just over one-third of the conference — only four have endorsed Trump: Sens. Shelley Moore Capito (W.Va.), John Cornyn (Tex.), John Neely Kennedy (La.) and Roger Wicker (Miss.).
  • The Republicans who voted for the bill mostly consist of the defense hawks who believe in U.S. intervention, especially when Western interests are on the line, including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (Ky.) and his deputy, Sen. John Thune (S.D.).
  • Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa) and Capito, two other members of McConnell’s leadership team, also voted for it.
But Sen. John Barrasso (Wyo.), the No. 3 Senate Republican, and Sen. Steve Daines (Mont.), the chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, often side with the Trump wing of the party and went along with the former president’s allies over Ukraine.
  • Of the 31 Republicans who voted against the aid, just five of them — Sens. John Boozman (Ark.), Ron Johnson (Wis.), James Lankford (Okla.), Rand Paul (Ky.) and Pete Ricketts (Neb.) — haven’t endorsed Trump. (Lankford voted against it because it didn’t include his border security deal, which his colleagues rejected.)
In the 2016 Republican primary, only one senator endorsed Trump: Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.), whom Trump later nominated to be his first attorney general.
Now, after two impeachments, indictments on 91 criminal charges and an insurrection, Trump has the endorsements of 31 senators.

  • “I think anybody that’s sticking with the old regime is probably going to be fewer over time. And I think when it comes to the policies, it’s very clear that many obviously are overcoming any discomfort they might have with [Trump’s] style,” Sen. Mike Braun (R-Ind.) said of the growing number of Senate Republicans backing Trump's ideology.
Trump’s influence was especially apparent when he helped to sink a bipartisan border security deal less than 48 hours after it was released this week. Only four Republicans voted for it, including the two who wrote it (Lankford and Sen. Susan Collins (Maine), who wrote the appropriations sections). Trump’s loyal ally Stephen Miller, the architect of his harsh border security policies while in office, is just one of the many in Trump’s corner who strongly criticized the border bill.


While Trump hasn’t weighed in specifically on the current Ukraine and Israel aid bill, he has vocally opposed sending aid to Ukraine.

Pressure on leadership​

The former president’s grip on House Republicans has been much stronger than in the Senate. The most fervent pro-Trump House members are also the most opposed to Ukraine aid, even threatening to oust House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) if he brings it up.

The Trump loyalty test is also central to the Senate’s MAGA wing’s discontent with McConnell, who has no relationship with the former president and is at odds with Trump on a number of issues, especially Ukraine. The pro-Trump, anti-McConnell wing of the party is openly trying to defy him, putting pressure on the fate of Ukraine aide, the future of the party and McConnell’s leadership.
 
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He killed the bipartisan border bill just like he killed Ashli Babbitt and Rosanne Boyland.

They (the base) still won't notice.
 
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