The Archer Daniels Midland wet mill on the outskirts of Decatur, Ill., rises like an industrial behemoth from the frozen, harvested cornfields of Central Illinois. Steam billowed in the 20-degree cold last week, as workers turned raw corn into sweet, ubiquitous high-fructose corn syrup. Three miles away, a Primient mill, which sprawls across 400 acres divided by North 22nd Street, was doing the same.
To Robert F. Kennedy Jr., President-elect Donald J. Trump’s nominee for secretary of health and human services, this bedraggled city — set deep in Trump country — is the belly of the agribusiness beast, churning out products that he says poison America, rendering its children obese and its citizens chronically ill.
To the workers here, those mills — the largest in the world — are their livelihoods.
“It’d have a huge impact,” a 37-year-old electrician who would identify himself by only his first name, Tyler, said of Mr. Kennedy’s declaration of war on corn syrup and corn oil. He was grabbing lunch at Debbie’s Diner in the shadow of the mills. “That shuts down Central Illinois, if A.D.M. shuts down.”
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Mr. Trump’s alliance with Mr. Kennedy during the presidential campaign was the ultimate marriage of convenience, uniting a right-wing populist presidential candidate with a scion of the nation’s most famous Democratic family, whose appeal to would-be Trump voters rested mainly with his conspiracy theories on Covid-19 and vaccines. Mr. Kennedy said at the time that Mr. Trump had promised him control of the nation’s public health agencies.
Mr. Kennedy’s other track record — on environmental protection and an abiding hatred of America’s unhealthy diet — may have been less of a draw to the fast-food-loving, regulation-hating Mr. Trump, but the former and future president said he would keep Mr. Kennedy’s environmentalism in check while letting him “go wild” on health.
Then Mr. Trump nominated him to head the sprawling Department of Health and Human Services, which has partial purview over America’s diet through a powerful subsidiary, the Food and Drug Administration, and enormous influence on health through its control of Medicare and Medicaid.
Now a brewing battle over corn syrup and vegetable oils is raising the prospect of a fight between Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Trump’s own voters in farm country.
“I may have to spend a lot of time educating him about agriculture,” Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, the largest corn-growing state, just ahead of Illinois, said of Mr. Kennedy last month. “I’m willing to do that.”
Mr. Kennedy’s critique is broad and deep. Generous federal crop subsidies of soy, corn and wheat artificially lower their costs, making byproducts like corn syrup cheaper for manufacturers who put it into everything from soft drinks to hot dogs to heavily processed bread. Crop engineering has made American grains more resilient to drought and pests but rendered them “nutrient barren,” he says, and farming practices have loaded grains with pesticides.
High-fructose corn syrup “is just a formula for making you obese and diabetic,” he has said in promotional videos, often pinning blame for the state of American grain production on Democrats and promising to “immediately” take processed foods out of the school lunch program and ban food stamps from being used to buy processed foods and sweet drinks.
In fact, his most vocal allies on the issue come from the left. Michael R. Bloomberg, the former independent mayor of New York and Democratic donor, waged his own unsuccessful war on corn-syrup-laden soft drinks. On Thursday, Bernie Sanders of Vermont, the Senate’s most left-wing member who leads the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, pressed the leaders of the F.D.A. at a hearing to label sugary processed food and drink as unhealthy and to restrict advertising of such products.
“For decades, Congress and the F.D.A. have allowed large corporations to make huge profits by enticing children and adults to consume ultra-processed food and beverages loaded up with sugar, salt and saturated fat,” he said, sounding very much like Mr. Kennedy. “None of this is happening by accident.”
But corn country is Trump country, and any concern about Mr. Kennedy is muted. Decatur’s mills operate around the clock and employ around 4,400 workers and contractors, but their economic power is much broader than that. At harvest season, farmers ship their corn from all over the Midwest, on trucks, rail cars and barges, lining up for miles. Electricians, pipe fitters and truck drivers service the mills year round.
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The Biden administration’s economic support for the region may be obvious all over Central Illinois, from the spinning wind turbines underwritten by generous renewable energy tax credits to the Rivian auto plant in Normal, Ill., churning out electric pickup trucks and vans whose high price tags are offset by consumer tax breaks.
But Decatur’s Macon County gave Mr. Trump 59 percent of its votes in a state where 55 percent sided with Vice President Kamala Harris. Neighboring DeWitt County gave Mr. Trump 71 percent.
If anything, the economic concerns are being voiced mainly by the few Democrats in office in the area. Representative Nikki Budzinski, a Democrat whose district includes downtown Decatur and the A.D.M. wet mill, allowed that the interests of farmers and workers needed to be balanced with health concerns. But with Mr. Trump threatening tariffs on U.S. corn markets like China and Mexico, she worried that retaliatory tariffs by trading partners will do serious harm to the mills that are the “economic engine” of the region. An attack on corn syrup would only worsen a bad situation.
Mr. Kennedy “is going to go through the advice and consent process,” she said. “I would hope that the Senate will take that seriously.”
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Rodney M. Weinzierl, the executive director of the Illinois Corn Growers Association in nearby Bloomington, Ill., said corn farmers were actually in a buoyant mood, more optimistic that the Trump administration will soften regulations on pesticides, herbicides and endangered species protection than concerned about Mr. Kennedy.
That doesn’t mean Mr. Weinzierl isn’t worried. Fights over high-fructose corn syrup have come and gone since the 1980s as agriculture lobbyists have fought bureaucrats in the F.D.A. and Agriculture Department. But no one has experienced doing battle with a cabinet secretary, let alone one with Mr. Kennedy’s zeal.
“We don’t know what it’s like to have a secretary that’s trying to drive the debate,” he said in a conference room nicknamed the corn crib. “Anything that causes uncertainty, you start paying more attention to it.”
An all-purpose refrain in the Midwest to parry critics of corn syrup is “sugar is sugar,” a dismissal of those like Mr. Kennedy who think sweeteners extracted from sugar cane would be healthier than sweeteners refined from corn. But there is an “America First” element to it: Much of America’s cane sugar is imported, from countries like Brazil, Mexico and the Dominican Republic, while American corn is a major export crop.
And the corn economy is in a precarious state. Corn harvests are setting records, but demand is not keeping up, especially as Brazilian farmers increase their competitiveness. That has sent corn prices plunging. Farmers are working harder, reaping more and earning less.
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High-fructose corn syrup might absorb only about 4 percent of the nation’s corn crop, but any decline in demand — or even a threat of decline — when yields rise each year will depress prices further, hollow out rural America and force the consolidation of farms into ever bigger behemoths, Mr. Weinzierl said.
“A little change in supply or demand has a larger impact than you think it would,” he cautioned. “Abrupt change is a huge issue in the rural economy. We need demand.”
To Robert F. Kennedy Jr., President-elect Donald J. Trump’s nominee for secretary of health and human services, this bedraggled city — set deep in Trump country — is the belly of the agribusiness beast, churning out products that he says poison America, rendering its children obese and its citizens chronically ill.
To the workers here, those mills — the largest in the world — are their livelihoods.
“It’d have a huge impact,” a 37-year-old electrician who would identify himself by only his first name, Tyler, said of Mr. Kennedy’s declaration of war on corn syrup and corn oil. He was grabbing lunch at Debbie’s Diner in the shadow of the mills. “That shuts down Central Illinois, if A.D.M. shuts down.”
Advertisement
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Mr. Trump’s alliance with Mr. Kennedy during the presidential campaign was the ultimate marriage of convenience, uniting a right-wing populist presidential candidate with a scion of the nation’s most famous Democratic family, whose appeal to would-be Trump voters rested mainly with his conspiracy theories on Covid-19 and vaccines. Mr. Kennedy said at the time that Mr. Trump had promised him control of the nation’s public health agencies.
Mr. Kennedy’s other track record — on environmental protection and an abiding hatred of America’s unhealthy diet — may have been less of a draw to the fast-food-loving, regulation-hating Mr. Trump, but the former and future president said he would keep Mr. Kennedy’s environmentalism in check while letting him “go wild” on health.
Then Mr. Trump nominated him to head the sprawling Department of Health and Human Services, which has partial purview over America’s diet through a powerful subsidiary, the Food and Drug Administration, and enormous influence on health through its control of Medicare and Medicaid.
Now a brewing battle over corn syrup and vegetable oils is raising the prospect of a fight between Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Trump’s own voters in farm country.
“I may have to spend a lot of time educating him about agriculture,” Senator Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, the largest corn-growing state, just ahead of Illinois, said of Mr. Kennedy last month. “I’m willing to do that.”
Mr. Kennedy’s critique is broad and deep. Generous federal crop subsidies of soy, corn and wheat artificially lower their costs, making byproducts like corn syrup cheaper for manufacturers who put it into everything from soft drinks to hot dogs to heavily processed bread. Crop engineering has made American grains more resilient to drought and pests but rendered them “nutrient barren,” he says, and farming practices have loaded grains with pesticides.
High-fructose corn syrup “is just a formula for making you obese and diabetic,” he has said in promotional videos, often pinning blame for the state of American grain production on Democrats and promising to “immediately” take processed foods out of the school lunch program and ban food stamps from being used to buy processed foods and sweet drinks.
In fact, his most vocal allies on the issue come from the left. Michael R. Bloomberg, the former independent mayor of New York and Democratic donor, waged his own unsuccessful war on corn-syrup-laden soft drinks. On Thursday, Bernie Sanders of Vermont, the Senate’s most left-wing member who leads the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, pressed the leaders of the F.D.A. at a hearing to label sugary processed food and drink as unhealthy and to restrict advertising of such products.
“For decades, Congress and the F.D.A. have allowed large corporations to make huge profits by enticing children and adults to consume ultra-processed food and beverages loaded up with sugar, salt and saturated fat,” he said, sounding very much like Mr. Kennedy. “None of this is happening by accident.”
But corn country is Trump country, and any concern about Mr. Kennedy is muted. Decatur’s mills operate around the clock and employ around 4,400 workers and contractors, but their economic power is much broader than that. At harvest season, farmers ship their corn from all over the Midwest, on trucks, rail cars and barges, lining up for miles. Electricians, pipe fitters and truck drivers service the mills year round.
Advertisement
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Image
The Biden administration’s economic support for the region may be obvious all over Central Illinois, from the spinning wind turbines underwritten by generous renewable energy tax credits to the Rivian auto plant in Normal, Ill., churning out electric pickup trucks and vans whose high price tags are offset by consumer tax breaks.
But Decatur’s Macon County gave Mr. Trump 59 percent of its votes in a state where 55 percent sided with Vice President Kamala Harris. Neighboring DeWitt County gave Mr. Trump 71 percent.
If anything, the economic concerns are being voiced mainly by the few Democrats in office in the area. Representative Nikki Budzinski, a Democrat whose district includes downtown Decatur and the A.D.M. wet mill, allowed that the interests of farmers and workers needed to be balanced with health concerns. But with Mr. Trump threatening tariffs on U.S. corn markets like China and Mexico, she worried that retaliatory tariffs by trading partners will do serious harm to the mills that are the “economic engine” of the region. An attack on corn syrup would only worsen a bad situation.
Mr. Kennedy “is going to go through the advice and consent process,” she said. “I would hope that the Senate will take that seriously.”
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Rodney M. Weinzierl, the executive director of the Illinois Corn Growers Association in nearby Bloomington, Ill., said corn farmers were actually in a buoyant mood, more optimistic that the Trump administration will soften regulations on pesticides, herbicides and endangered species protection than concerned about Mr. Kennedy.
That doesn’t mean Mr. Weinzierl isn’t worried. Fights over high-fructose corn syrup have come and gone since the 1980s as agriculture lobbyists have fought bureaucrats in the F.D.A. and Agriculture Department. But no one has experienced doing battle with a cabinet secretary, let alone one with Mr. Kennedy’s zeal.
“We don’t know what it’s like to have a secretary that’s trying to drive the debate,” he said in a conference room nicknamed the corn crib. “Anything that causes uncertainty, you start paying more attention to it.”
An all-purpose refrain in the Midwest to parry critics of corn syrup is “sugar is sugar,” a dismissal of those like Mr. Kennedy who think sweeteners extracted from sugar cane would be healthier than sweeteners refined from corn. But there is an “America First” element to it: Much of America’s cane sugar is imported, from countries like Brazil, Mexico and the Dominican Republic, while American corn is a major export crop.
And the corn economy is in a precarious state. Corn harvests are setting records, but demand is not keeping up, especially as Brazilian farmers increase their competitiveness. That has sent corn prices plunging. Farmers are working harder, reaping more and earning less.
Advertisement
SKIP ADVERTISEMENT
High-fructose corn syrup might absorb only about 4 percent of the nation’s corn crop, but any decline in demand — or even a threat of decline — when yields rise each year will depress prices further, hollow out rural America and force the consolidation of farms into ever bigger behemoths, Mr. Weinzierl said.
“A little change in supply or demand has a larger impact than you think it would,” he cautioned. “Abrupt change is a huge issue in the rural economy. We need demand.”
