Americans tend to approve of the right to protest more in the abstract than when manifested. For decades, public protest often triggered an exaggerated reaction: If you don’t like how things are in the United States, get out. Particularly since the Vietnam War, this response has often been partisan, with members of the political right encouraging the frustrated left to simply leave.
Cut through the 2024 election noise. Get The Campaign Moment newsletter.
Donald Trump’s tendency to reflect and amplify rhetorical extremes has led him to propose a formal instantiation of this idea, should he be reelected president. If he returns to the White House, he promised to donors at a recent event, he would “set [the anti-Israel] movement back 25 or 30 years.”
Skip to end of carousel
Sign up for the How to Read This Chart newsletter
Subscribe to How to Read This Chart, a weekly dive into the data behind the news. Each Saturday, national columnist Philip Bump makes and breaks down charts explaining the latest in economics, pop culture, politics and more.
End of carousel
How? In part by deporting those who participate in protests on college campuses.
“One thing I do is, any student that protests, I throw them out of the country,” he said, according to
reporting from The Washington Post’s Josh Dawsey, Karen DeYoung and Marianne LeVine. “You know, there are a lot of foreign students. As soon as they hear that, they’re going to behave.”
There are foreign students in American universities.
About 5 percent of students were from foreign countries at the beginning of 2022, though only about a quarter of a percent were from the Middle East and North Africa, the region that’s long been a focus of
Trump’s fearmongering. But those are students in total, not students at recent campus protests. While some of those involved in the protests have been noncitizens, there’s no reason to think that most or even a significant portion of them were. But there’s also no reason to think Trump is particularly concerned about that technicality.
Follow Election 2024
In October, the Trump campaign
unveiled its “plan to keep jihadists and their sympathizers out of America” — an early formulation of Trump’s eager effort to demonstrate his hostility to critics of Israel’s response to the terrorist attack that month. Among its elements:
- “aggressively deport resident aliens with jihadist sympathies”
- “revoke the student visas of radical anti-American and antisemitic foreigners at colleges and universities”
- “proactively send [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] to pro-jihadist demonstrations to enforce our immigration laws and remove the violators from our country”
There are several important considerations here. One is that legally resident noncitizens
have the same freedoms of speech and protest as noncitizens. That includes students on valid visas.
Another is that “jihadist sympathies” not only describes a lot of protected speech, it is entirely subjective.
“If you hate America, if you want to abolish Israel, if you sympathize with jihadists,” Trump
said during a December speech in Nevada, “then we don’t want you in our country. We don’t want you.”
Those are three very different categories, but the blurring is intentional. The promise Trump is offering is one that’s been tantalizing the right for decades: love it or leave it as federal policy.
The most alarming aspect of Trump’s proposal is the deployment of federal immigration officers to protests to police speech. It should not be a consolation that the target of that ICE supervision is immigrants, even setting aside free speech issues. Such a policy would almost certainly mean detentions of U.S. citizens and eventual deportations.
This is not hyperbolic. An
analysis conducted by the Government Accountability Office determined that hundreds of likely U.S. citizens were detained by immigration officials during Trump’s presidency and that dozens were deported. That number includes at least five children.
It is not unique to the Trump administration that citizens should be swept up in the immigration process. The GAO’s analysis found that more than 260 likely citizens were arrested in fiscal 2015 and 2016, under President Barack Obama. Only four citizens were removed from the country in that period, however. From fiscal 2017 (which overlapped with Obama’s administration) to the first two quarters of fiscal 2020, 50 men and 15 women were removed from the United States despite being identified as citizens of or having been born in the United States.
There are checks in place to protect citizens from being deported, but those can occur after the person is already in custody. If there is evidence of citizenship or uncertainty about status, the person is supposed to be released or (if not yet in custody) not arrested. Yet it’s likely that dozens of Americans were deported by the Trump administration anyway. In a scenario where immigration officers are more empowered to seek out targets, a small rate of failure could mean far more improper deportations.
It’s certainly possible that a newly reelected Trump would not implement this proposal; his track record of effecting his most extreme promises is spotty. He was speaking to donors hostile to the campus protests in the comments reported by The Post, meaning that he was, in a way, making a sales pitch for his candidacy. Trump has at times
not followed through for his customers.
It’s also possible that courts would block immigration actions centered on speech or impose guardrails meant to protect U.S. citizens. Trump’s 2015 campaign-trail pledge to block immigrants from Muslim countries, though, ended up being
upheld by the Supreme Court. Reintroducing such a ban was the first item on the Trump campaign’s list of promises for keeping “jihadists” out of America.
This exploration of possible worst-case scenarios should not distract from Trump’s comments in the moment. He pledged to supporters that he would hobble a protest movement with which he disagrees, in part, by leveraging federal law enforcement against the protesters. Should he be reelected and force the Supreme Court to consider whether his implementation of this idea is valid, he’s already largely achieved his intended goal.