As noted, Republicans won a 220-215 majority. That’s down one seat from their effective 221-214 edge in recent months, and it’s down two seats from the 222-213 majority they won in the 2022 election. The GOP also lost former congressman George Santos’s (R-New York) district in a special election earlier this year.
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(These numbers are rough because there are often vacancies in the House.)
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That 220-215 majority is so tight that it’s actually the second-smallest in history, percentage-wise.
According to
data from the Pew Research Center, the only smaller majority came more than a century ago, in the 1917-19 Congress, when Democrats had an effective 217-215 edge.
Here’s Pew’s chart of the smallest majorities, before Santos’s loss:
Other majorities have been tighter than five seats, but that’s when the House was smaller. If you look at the percentage of House seats that make up the majority, the GOP’s less than 1.15 percent edge now ranks as the second smallest, just slightly smaller than Democrats’ 219-214 edge from 1931-33.
But it’ll be likely be even smaller for a good while
Practically speaking, though, the GOP’s majority should be even smaller for months — as thin as 217-215 (the same as that smallest-ever 1917-19 Congress).
That’s because Trump has plucked three House members for his administration, which is something GOP House leaders signaled they weren’t particularly thrilled about.
House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-Louisiana) said Nov. 12 after the first two House members were picked that there would be “
hopefully no more for a little while until special elections can come” to replace those members. Speaker Mike Johnson (R-Louisiana) said the same day that he had spoken with Trump and
didn’t expect any more House members to be picked.
Just a day later, though, Trump added a shocking third: then-Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Florida) for attorney general. Gaetz withdrew a week later, but he had also resigned from Congress by that point, leaving his seat vacant.
Those special elections for Gaetz’s and Rep. Michael Waltz’s (R-Florida) seats won’t happen until April 1. One for Rep. Elise Stefanik’s (R-New York) is due between 70 and 80 days after she resigns, which hasn’t happened yet.
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All of which means the House GOP’s early business will have precious little margin for error. There is some wiggle room here, but a 217-215 majority would effectively mean they can’t lose even one Republican vote if all Democrats vote against them.
There’s also the unlikely prospect that Democrats could win one of those special elections and narrow the GOP’s majority even further for the rest of Congress.
Gaetz’s and Waltz’s districts are very red, but Stefanik’s is less so, having gone for Trump
by 12 points in 2020. And Democrats have
over-performed in special elections in recent years.
Trump in 2017 nominated a pair of House members whose districts he had won by more than 20 points, but the GOP
held both of their districts by just six points.
Recent history — and Trump — suggest that will make things very difficult
We’ve already seen how even a significantly larger GOP majority in the Senate — 6 percent (53-47) — can cause problems when it comes to signing off on Trump’s controversial ideas. A small handful of GOP senators balking at Trump’s unorthodox nominees has already imperiled some of them,
like Defense secretary pick Pete Hegseth, and led to Gaetz’s withdrawal.
In the House, we also have some very recent history to show how challenging the next two years could be. But even that might undersell the drama that lies ahead.
The 222-213/221-214 House majority of the past two years was one of the
most riven and unproductive in history. We saw a House speaker removed for the first time ever when just eight Republicans voted with Democrats to remove him. We saw a historically small number of bills passed. And when Speaker Johnson did get something big done, he was often forced to
rely on the votes of Democrats because his conference was so split and unwieldy. That was the case on avoiding a government shutdown, passing aid to Ukraine and on major spending bills.
Toss in Trump’s tendency to push the envelope and challenge his party to fall in line (like on his Cabinet picks), and it’s a recipe for plenty of heartburn with an even smaller majority. Even at 220-215, Republicans can lose the votes of just two GOP members if all Democrats vote the other way.