By Russel L. Honoré
Lt. Gen. Honoré retired from the U.S. Army in 2008.
It is now fair to ask the question: Is Elon Musk a national security risk?
According to numerous
interviews and remarks, Mr. Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency co-leader, Vivek Ramaswamy, once appeared to believe he was. In May 2023, Mr. Ramaswamy went so far as to publicly
state, “I have no reason to think Elon won’t jump like a circus monkey when Xi Jinping calls in the hour of need,” a reference to China’s leader. In a separate X post targeting Mr. Musk,
he wrote, “the U.S. needs leaders who aren’t in China’s pocket.”
Mr. Ramaswamy has since walked back his numerous public criticisms of Mr. Musk, but he was right to raise concerns. According to
news reports, Mr. Musk and his rocket company, SpaceX,
face federal reviews from the Air Force, the Defense Department’s Office of Inspector General and the under secretary of defense for intelligence and security for failing to provide details of Mr. Musk’s meetings with foreign leaders and other potential violations of national-security rules.
These alleged infractions are just the beginning of my worries. Mr. Musk’s business ventures are heavily reliant on China. He borrowed at least
$1.4 billion from banks controlled by the Chinese government to help build Tesla’s Shanghai gigafactory, which was responsible for more than half of Tesla’s global deliveries in the third quarter of 2024.
China does not tend to give things away. The country’s laws stipulate that the Communist Party can demand intelligence from any company doing business in China, in exchange for participating in the country’s markets.
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This means Mr. Musk’s business dealings in China
could require him to hand over sensitive classified information, learned either through his business interests or his proximity to President-elect Donald Trump. No federal agency has accused him of disclosing such material, but as Mr. Ramaswamy
put it, China has recognized that U.S. companies are fickle. He added, “If Xi Jinping says ‘jump,’ they’ll say, ‘How high?’”
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Mr. Musk’s relationship with China’s leaders could prove a problem for America’s national security given that SpaceX has a
near monopoly on the United States’ rocket launches. The United States is in an intense space race with China. In a May interview, Maj. Gen. Gregory J. Gagnon, the deputy chief of space operations for intelligence at the U.S. Space Force,
said that there has never been a buildup comparable to what the Chinese are attempting in space — not even during World War II — and that “an adversary arming this fast is profoundly concerning.” The last thing the United States needs is for China to potentially have an easier way of obtaining classified intelligence and national security information.
Mr. Musk already has a history of pleasing the Chinese Communist Party. He
heaped praise on Mr. Xi to commemorate the party’s 100th anniversary. In 2022, earning thanks from Chinese officials, he went to bat for the party by
arguing that Taiwan should become a special administrative region of China.
In May 2023, Mr. Musk also
reportedly told Qin Gang, then the Chinese foreign minister, that Tesla opposed the United States decoupling from China, stating that U.S. and Chinese interests are “intertwined like conjoined twins.”
Although claiming to be a free-speech advocate, Mr. Musk was the
first foreigner to contribute an article to China Cyberspace, a magazine that is run by the Communist regime’s internet censorship agency.
Chris Stewart, a Republican former congressman and senior member of the House Intelligence Committee, whom Mr. Trump
reportedly considered nominating as director of national intelligence, once
pushed for closed-door briefings on Mr. Musk’s China ties. Mr. Trump’s choice for secretary of state, Senator Marco Rubio, who previously
accused Tesla of covering up for the Chinese Communist Party,
introduced a bill to prevent NASA and other federal agencies from giving contracts to companies linked to China or Russia.
The question now is whether the incoming Trump administration will take this risk seriously.
Mr. Musk is one of Mr. Trump’s top advisers. Mr. Trump may have gone so far as to
reject a bipartisan congressional budget measure because it did not have Mr. Musk’s stamp of approval. In November, after his election, Mr. Trump traveled to Texas to
watch Mr. Musk’s Starship launch. That is fine, but doing nothing to ensure America’s space apparatus remains secure from potential vulnerabilities would not be.
The Musk-China concerns might just represent the beginning. In a November letter to Attorney General Merrick Garland and the Pentagon’s inspector general, two Democratic senators
asked that they investigate Mr. Musk’s “reliability as a government contractor and a clearance holder” because of his reported conversations with Vladimir Putin and other Russian officials. In a separate letter, the senators asked the Air Force secretary, Frank Kendall, to reconsider SpaceX’s “outsized role” in America’s commercial space integration. Mr. Kendall
wrote back stating that, while he was legally prohibited from discussing Mr. Musk’s case, he shared their concerns.
If the federal investigations demonstrate deep connections to China and Russia, the federal government should consider revoking Mr. Musk’s security clearance. It should already be thinking about using alternatives to SpaceX’s launch services.
The fact that Mr. Musk
spent a quarter of a billion dollars to help re-elect Mr. Trump does not give the incoming White House the license to look the other way at the national security risks he may pose. If Mr. Trump and his appointees mean what they say about getting tough on America’s adversaries, then they will act on this matter without delay. There is too much at stake to ignore what’s right in front of them.
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