Not bad, not bad

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Wow, if it's true. Big commit for them.

Americans really are a stupid, simple bunch. How we lead the world is astonishing.

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Why don't teams just bunt the runner over to 3rd?

No, not have relations with them HORT pervs. Would you get blessed by one?

FTR, I think it's weird for people that aren't believers in the tradition to do it. But hikers, climbers, and adventurers in Nepal do it all the time. Seems odd and uncomfortable to me. Scroll over on the instagram link below to see a couple video clips of the "blessing."

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And if you're asking what a Kumari is, here you go:

Kumari, Kumari Devi, or the Living Goddess is the tradition of worshipping a chosen virgin as manifestations of the divine female energy or Shakti in Dharmic Nepali religious traditions. It is believed that the girl is possessed by the goddess Taleju or Durga. The word Kumari is derived from Sanskrit meaning princess. The procession is akin to Indra or Sakra, taking Indrani to his celestial abode as his bride. The festival is celebrated during Kumari Jantra, which follows the Indra Jatra religious ceremony.

In Nepal, a Kumari is a prepubescent girl selected from the Shakya clan of the Nepalese Newari Buddhist community. The Kumari is also revered and worshiped by some of the country's Hindus. While there are several Kumaris throughout Nepal, with some cities having several, the best known is the Royal Kumari of Kathmandu, and she lives in the Kumari Ghar, a palace in the center of the city. The selection process for her is especially rigorous. As of 2023, the Royal Kumari of Kathmandu is Trishna Shakya, aged five, installed in September 2017. Unika Bajracharya, selected in April 2014 as the Kumari of Patan, is the second most important living goddess.[1][2]

...what will people do?

Will there be celebrations in the streets with trucker caravans (for Biden's death) or joyous protestish marches (for Trump's death)?
Will there be quiet celebrations / toasts over dinner?
Will it just go by like any other presidential dirt nap?
Will conspiracy theories abound and believe they're not dead (probably more on the MAGA wierdo side)?

I'll personally breath a sigh of relief when Trump goes and be pretty "meh" when Biden goes.

I’ve always been really shitty at golf and quit playing when I was in college. Can’t drive it without slicing like a mofo so I lost a ton of balls back in the day. I really wish they would have sold these back then.

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This is such bullshit:

The anti-Israel student protesters bringing the United States’ top universities to a standstill may be rabidly fanatical, crashingly ignorant, and possibly even a tiny bit anti-Semitic, but I will say one thing for them: they’ve just provided us with the most hilarious video clip you’ll see all year.

The clip in question, which is going viral on social media, consists of an interview at Columbia University, New York, with a PhD English student – who, in her own words, is writing a dissertation on “theories of the imagination and poetry as interpreted through a Marxian lens in order to update and propose an alternative to historicist ideological critiques of the Romantic imagination”.

In recent days, however, I don’t suppose she’s had much time to pursue this vital line of inquiry. For Left-wing students at Columbia, there have been far more pressing matters to attend to. Such as illegally occupying a key university building as part of their protests against Israel.

It isn’t just the Israelis who have displeased them, though. They’re also angry with the university authorities. Because, apparently, those authorities have failed to supply them with food and drink to keep them going during their protest.

“Do you want students to die of dehydration and starvation or get severely ill?” wails the student in the clip. “This is, like, basic humanitarian aid we’re asking for.”

In summary: she seems to think that people who illegally occupy a building are entitled to be fed by the people who own it. Perhaps burglars should try this argument. Break into a house during the night, and then moan to the media that the owners didn’t invite them to stay for breakfast.

In their defence, the student says that her comrades “pay for a meal plan here”. No doubt they do. Equally, though, other students pay to be educated. Presumably they, too, are entitled to get what they’ve paid for. But they won’t be able to get it if mobs of Israel-hating hipsters prevent them from attending their lectures.

At any rate, this delightful young woman has given us some glorious entertainment. I love everything about that clip. The pomposity. The entitlement. The spectacular lack of self-awareness. And, in particular, the obscene use of the term “humanitarian aid”, when, far from facing starvation, she and her middle-class friends could easily toddle across the road to buy snacks at the nearest bodega.

Come to think of it, I suspect the reason she used that term is the same reason that so many white, Western protesters go on marches wearing Palestinian-style headdresses while calling for “intifada”. It’s all a form of role-play. Just as little children love pretending to be princesses or pirates, so cossetted Left-wing students love pretending to be persecuted minorities. It’s yet another way to demonstrate how wonderfully empathetic and compassionate they are. (See? We feel your pain. We need humanitarian aid, too. We were so busy protesting yesterday, we missed lunch!)

Then again, the rest of us shouldn’t laugh too hard. These pampered narcissists might not be able to influence events in the Middle East. But they’ll almost certainly influence our future. After all, they’re students at Ivy League universities. America’s educational elite. Which means that, in due course, they’ll be strolling into America’s top jobs, and taking leadership positions in business, the arts, education and politics.

This should worry us all. Because if these mollycoddled brats are America’s future, the West truly is doomed.

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We can deport her right? Right?

What is Treason anymore?

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Just trashed Trump and says she will never support him.

Sounds like she's still unsure of remaining a Republican.

Such leadership. Imagine not knowing what side to take as President.

WASHINGTON ― While pro-Palestinian protests have exploded at colleges across the nation, President Joe Biden has stayed largely silent about campus unrest that complicates his reelection campaign.

Biden has not addressed the protests in a speech.

Nor has he given any public remarks on the college protests at Columbia University and elsewhere in more than a week, with the White House instead issuing statements and addressing questions on the protests through spokespeople.

The approach underscores the no-win situation Biden faces. Biden has remained a steadfast defender of Israel's war against Hamas, putting him at odds with many young progressive voters in his race against former President Donald Trump.

He risks alienating himself even more with these young voters if he speaks out against the protests and applauds actions of university leaders and police to shut down student encampments. But if Biden takes a more forceful defense of the rights of protesters, he risks feeding new lines of attack to Trump and Republicans, who have tried to tie the president to the campus chaos and unlawfulness.

"The president is being kept regularly updated on what's happening," White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said Wednesday at a White House briefing as she was pressed repeatedly on why Americans haven't heard from Biden on the protests. "He is monitoring the situation closely."

Even as arrests of hundreds of students have produced dramatic images over the past 24 to 48 hours, Biden's most recent comments on the campus protests came April 22, when he called on Americans to speak out against the "alarming surge of antisemitism" in a written statement.

Later that day, he told reporters, "I condemn the antisemitic protests" and added: "I also condemn those who don’t understand what’s going on with the Palestinians."

"No president has spoken more forcefully about combatting antisemitism than this president," Jean-Pierre said Wednesday. "Let's not forget, in 2017 he was very clear about the antisemitic vile that we saw on the streets in Charlottesville, (Virginia) − he called that out. And one of the reasons he stepped into the 2020 election is because of what he saw."

A reporter pushed back, noting that speaking out against antisemitism isn't the same as addressing protests unfolding in the present.

"The president has been very, very clear about this," Jean-Pierre reiterated. "He's taken action," she added, pointing to the administration's National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism, which was released last May.

Todd Belt, professor and political management program director at George Washington University, said Biden knows that voters ages 18 to 29 were an essential part of the coalition that won him the 2020 election.

"He really can't afford to lose them. And he also knows that his party is split on this issue, and if he comes out strongly on one side or the other, he's going to alienate the other side," Belt said. "He's really in a catch-22 on this."

Belt said he believes Biden will eventually have to say more about the protests. "When you have members of Congress calling for the use of the National Guard, the president has to step in and be definitive about what, if and when he would do something like that," he said.

Biden is set to deliver the keynote address May 7 at the Holocaust Memorial Ceremony at the Capitol, giving him a prime opportunity to speak on the widespread protests.


White House officials have condemned the takeover of an academic building at Columbia, other illegal acts and the use of words such as "intifada," the Arabic word for rebellion or uprising, by protesters.

"Americans have a right to peacefully protest, as long as its within the law," Jean-Pierre said. "Forcibly taking over a building is not peaceful. Students have the right to feel safe, they have the right to learn, they have the right to do this without this destruction."

Although Jean-Pierre stopped short of explicitly endorsing the police responses at colleges, she said a "a small percentage of students" should not be able to disrupt the academic experience of others.

The campus unrest comes as the Biden administration is seeking to secure a temporary cease-fire between Israel and Hamas that would allow for the release of some of the more than 130 hostages remaining in Gaza.

For months, Biden has been the target of pro-Palestinians protesters who have shadowed his events and coined the name "Genocide Joe."

As arrests were unfolding Tuesday night at Columbia, Trump called into Fox News' telecast to assess Biden's response.

"Biden is supposed to be the voice of our country. And it's certainly not much of a voice. It's a voice that nobody's heard," Trump said. "I don't think he's able to do it. I don't think he's got what it takes to do it. But he's got to. He's got to strengthen up and he's got to be heard."

Our new OC must have made quite an impression! Starting snaps available and we can’t close the deal?!!! F’n embarrassing.

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This is just brutal to watch and ranks up there with those nonsense remarks from yellen about inflation being transitory only. Biden really does surround himself with absolutely worthless people lol

I know some of you will think I’m nuts. But I think we are taking the wrong approach to texting and driving.

It’s obviously a dangerous issue... but why? When you’re texting behind the wheel and completely swerving into the other lane or not seeing brake lights in front of you, you clearly are not looking at the road at all.

Why are these people not looking at the road at all? Because their phone is on their lap or down low. Why? Because it’s illegal and they don’t want others to know they’re texting.

If it were legal, we could actually teach people to do it safely. Starting with holding the phone up higher so you can see the road behind it. You look for a second and then look at the road for 2-3 seconds. In this manner it is no different than checking your speed, mirrors, or anything else on your dash.

I know some of you will tell stories of injuries and deaths to refute. But in all those cases the person texting was doing it wrong and unsafely; having it legal and educating how to do it could have saved a life.

The U.S. Department of Justice will sue Iowa to block a new immigration law criminalizing "illegal reentry" if it remains in effect, a top DOJ official wrote to Gov. Kim Reynolds and Attorney General Brenna Bird Thursday.

In a letter obtained by the Des Moines Register, Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General Brian Boynton wrote that the department "intends to bring a lawsuit to enforce the supremacy of federal law and to enjoin" the new immigration law passed as Senate File 2340.

"SF 2340 is preempted by federal law and violates the United States Constitution," Boynton wrote.

He gave the state a deadline of May 7 to suspend enforcement of the law before the DOJ takes action.

America’s Colleges Are Reaping What They Sowed​

Universities spent years saying that activism is not just welcome but encouraged on their campuses. Students took them at their word.
By Tyler Austin Harper


Nick wilson, a sophomore at Cornell University, came to Ithaca, New York, to refine his skills as an activist. Attracted by both Cornell’s labor-relations school and the university’s history of campus radicalism, he wrote his application essay about his involvement with a Democratic Socialists of America campaign to pass the Protecting the Right to Organize Act. When he arrived on campus, he witnessed any number of signs that Cornell shared his commitment to not just activism but also militant protest, taking note of a plaque commemorating the armed occupation of Willard Straight Hall in 1969.

Cornell positively romanticizes that event: The university library has published a “Willard Straight Hall Occupation Study Guide,” and the office of the dean of students once co-sponsored a panel on the protest. The school has repeatedly screened a documentary about the occupation, Agents of Change. The school’s official newspaper, published by the university media-relations office, ran a series of articles honoring the 40th anniversary, in 2009, and in 2019, Cornell held a yearlong celebration for the 50th, complete with a commemorative walk, a dedication ceremony, and a public conversation with some of the occupiers. “Occupation Anniversary Inspires Continued Progress,” the Cornell Chronicle headline read.

As Wilson has discovered firsthand, however, the school’s hagiographical odes to prior protests has not prevented it from cracking down on pro-Palestine protests in the present. Now that he has been suspended for the very thing he told Cornell he came there to learn how to do—radical political organizing—he is left reflecting on the school’s hypocrisies. That the theme of this school year at Cornell is “Freedom of Expression” adds a layer of grim humor to the affair.


University leaders are in a bind. “These protests are really dynamic situations that can change from minute to minute,” Stephen Solomon, who teaches First Amendment law and is the director of NYU’s First Amendment Watch—an organization devoted to free speech—told me. “But the obligation of universities is to make the distinction between speech protected by the First Amendment and speech that is not.” Some of the speech and tactics protesters are employing may not be protected under the First Amendment, while much of it plainly is. The challenge universities are confronting is not just the law but also their own rhetoric. Many universities at the center of the ongoing police crackdowns have long sought to portray themselves as bastions of activism and free thought. Cornell is one of many universities that champion their legacy of student activism when convenient, only to bring the hammer down on present-day activists when it’s not. The same colleges that appeal to students such as Wilson by promoting opportunities for engagement and activism are now suspending them. And they’re calling the cops.

The police activity we are seeing universities level against their own students does not just scuff the carefully cultivated progressive reputations of elite private universities such as Columbia, Emory University, and NYU, or the equally manicured free-speech bona fides of red-state public schools such as Indiana University and the University of Texas at Austin. It also exposes what these universities have become in the 21st century. Administrators have spent much of the recent past recruiting social-justice-minded students and faculty to their campuses under the implicit, and often explicit, promise that activism is not just welcome but encouraged. Now the leaders of those universities are shocked to find that their charges and employees believed them. And rather than try to understand their role in cultivating this morass, the Ivory Tower’s bigwigs have decided to apply their boot heels to the throats of those under their care.

Ispoke with 30 students, professors, and administrators from eight schools—a mix of public and private institutions across the United States—to get a sense of the disconnect between these institutions’ marketing of activism and their treatment of protesters. A number of people asked to remain anonymous. Some were untenured faculty or administrators concerned about repercussions from, or for, their institutions. Others were directly involved in organizing protests and were wary of being harassed. Several incoming students I spoke with were worried about being punished by their school before they even arrived. Despite a variety of ideological commitments and often conflicting views on the protests, many of those I interviewed were “shocked but not surprised”—a phrase that came up time and again—by the hypocrisy exhibited by the universities with which they were affiliated. (I reached out to Columbia, NYU, Cornell, and Emory for comment on the disconnect between their championing of past protests and their crackdowns on the current protesters. Representatives from Columbia, Cornell, and Emory pointed me to previous public statements. NYU did not respond.)
The sense that Columbia trades on the legacy of the Vietnam protests that rocked campus in 1968 was widespread among the students I spoke with. Indeed, the university honors its activist past both directly and indirectly, through library archives, an online exhibit, an official “Columbia 1968” X account, no shortage of anniversary articles in Columbia Magazine, and a current course titled simply “Columbia 1968.” The university is sometimes referred to by alumni and aspirants as the “Protest Ivy.” One incoming student told me that he applied to the school in part because of an admissions page that prominently listed community organizers and activists among its “distinguished alumni.”

Joseph Slaughter, an English professor and the executive director of Columbia’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights, talked with his class about the 1968 protests after the recent arrests at the school. He said his students felt that the university had actively marketed its history to them. “Many, many, many of them said they were sold the story of 1968 as part of coming to Columbia,” he told me. “They talked about it as what the university presents to them as the long history and tradition of student activism. They described it as part of the brand.”

This message reaches students before they take their first college class. As pro-Palestine demonstrations began to raise tensions on campus last month, administrators were keen to cast these protests as part of Columbia’s proud culture of student activism. The aforementioned high-school senior who had been impressed by Columbia’s activist alumni attended the university’s admitted-students weekend just days before the April 18 NYPD roundup. During the event, the student said, an admissions official warned attendees that they may experience “disruptions” during their visit, but boasted that these were simply part of the school’s “long and robust history of student protest.”

Remarkably, after more than 100 students were arrested on the order of Columbia President Minouche Shafik—in which she overruled a unanimous vote by the university senate’s executive committee not to bring the NYPD to campus—university administrators were still pushing this message to new students and parents. An email sent on April 19 informed incoming students that “demonstration, political activism, and deep respect for freedom of expression have long been part of the fabric of our campus.” Another email sent on April 20 again promoted Columbia’s tradition of activism, protest, and support of free speech. “This can sometimes create moments of tension,” the email read, “but the rich dialogue and debate that accompany this tradition is central to our educational experience.”

Not feeling like both of my knees and/or hips were gonna blow out of their sockets at any given moment.

I was thinking about something. We used to wear dress shoes at grade school and literally run and sprint all over the place during recess like we were wearing sneakers. I imagine trying to run around in those kinds of shoes today at 50. Holy hell.

Besides banging OPs mom, what do you miss about your youth that you took for granted?

Bill Maher, the outspoken host of Real Time with Bill Maher, recently delivered a blistering critique of America’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic, highlighting a series of missteps and failures that characterized the nation’s initial reaction. Maher emphasized how panic-induced overreactions led to chaotic scenes, such as the mismanagement aboard the Costa Luminosa cruise ship and the confusion at airports. These incidents underscored America’s tendency to react impulsively rather than respond effectively to crises, resulting in a costly toll on public health and confidence in government institutions.

Throughout the pandemic, dissenting voices were often marginalized or dismissed, preventing valuable insights and alternative perspectives from being considered. Maher pointed out how individuals who questioned certain measures or narratives were ridiculed or suppressed, hindering open dialogue and critical thinking. This dismissal of dissent not only eroded public trust but also contributed to the perpetuation of false narratives and misinformation, further complicating efforts to combat the virus and its impact.

Maher also addressed the evolving understanding of the virus’s origins, highlighting the shifting narratives surrounding its emergence. What were once dismissed as conspiracy theories are now being reconsidered, with mounting evidence suggesting the possibility of a lab leak in Wuhan. Maher criticized the reluctance to retract false narratives and urged for greater transparency and accountability in investigating the virus’s origins to prevent future pandemics.

Central to Maher’s argument is the absence of a comprehensive examination of America’s pandemic response through a dedicated Covid commission. He emphasized the importance of conducting a thorough analysis of the missteps and failures in handling the crisis to learn from past mistakes and better prepare for future emergencies. A Covid commission would provide a platform for accountability, transparency, and reflection, fostering a deeper understanding of the systemic challenges and vulnerabilities exposed by the pandemic.

The pandemic has highlighted critical lessons that should have been learned but remain unheeded. Maher underscored the importance of proper air ventilation, research ethics, and crisis management strategies in mitigating the spread of infectious diseases. However, despite these lessons, certain practices, such as gain-of-function research and the misuse of relief funds, persist, raising concerns about our preparedness for future health crises.

Maher called for accountability and transparency in the distribution of Covid relief funds, citing instances of fraud and misuse that have undermined public trust. He emphasized the need for stringent oversight measures to ensure that relief funds are allocated responsibly and effectively to address the ongoing challenges posed by the pandemic.

Central to Maher’s critique is the need for broader public discourse and engagement in shaping pandemic response strategies and policies. He argued that a more inclusive approach to decision-making would foster greater trust, cooperation, and resilience in the face of crises. By involving stakeholders at all levels, from policymakers to community leaders to individual citizens, we can collectively work towards more effective and equitable solutions.

The establishment of a Covid commission could have far-reaching implications for public perception, trust in institutions, and government accountability. By conducting a thorough examination of America’s pandemic response, the commission could help identify systemic weaknesses, hold responsible parties accountable, and recommend reforms to strengthen our preparedness and response capabilities for future emergencies.

As Maher’s critique resonates with many, it serves as a sobering reminder of the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead. By learning from the mistakes of the past and embracing a culture of accountability, transparency, and collaboration, we can build a more resilient society capable of confronting future crises with confidence and resolve.

What do you think? Do you agree with Maher’s assessment of America’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic as panicky, inefficient, and stuck on stupid? Why or why not? How do you think the reluctance to acknowledge mistakes and the dismissal of dissenting opinions have influenced public trust in health authorities and government institutions?

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/opin...689349b2fb4aa3ad8023e52a1b9860&ei=31#image=10

This paywalled article is about Utah and QB Cam Rising, but includes this single line about Cade:

Iowa quarterback Cade McNamara got a job making $600 an hour through NIL.

Does anyone know where Cade is making $600 an hour?

NIL money keeps star quarterbacks in college. Here’s a glimpse at what it took to keep Cam Rising at Utah.​

Fending off Power Five challengers and the NFL, Utah’s donors had enough to keep the seventh-year veteran in Salt Lake City.​

By Kevin Reynolds
| Jan. 22, 2024, 7:00 a.m.



Sandy • The mob collapsed around Cam Rising’s 6-foot-2 frame until all you could see was a black Utah baseball cap sticking out from among the masses.
A mixture of middle schoolers, teachers and administrators stretched their arms with mini-helmets to sign and phones to take selfies with. At the center of it, Utah’s seventh-year quarterback obliged every request, grinning as more than a few people quipped, “So glad you’re back.”
Rising’s return to Utah instantly elevates the Utes back into college football’s playoff picture. Everyone in the room knew that. But maybe they weren’t as used to the other reality at play.

Paid name, image and likeness events like this are exactly how you keep a veteran quarterback away from the transfer portal these days. Even Rising, when he is off to the side of the crowd at Eastmont Middle School, freely admits that without NIL he’d be playing in some NFL city right now.
Worse still, he could be in another college town.
“Probably I wouldn’t be here if it wasn’t a thing, right?” he said. “I probably would have been gone last year. It is just kind of how football is.”
But major NIL deals have kept him in Salt Lake City for a sixth and seventh year. While NIL contracts are not currently publicly available, The Salt Lake Tribune has learned that Rising will earn at least $500,000 next season and could bring in a haul worth upward of $1.5 million, according to sources with knowledge of his NIL deals. The sources spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter.
That’s why he’s at a middle school on a Tuesday morning in the dead of winter at an event paid for by a trucking company, settling in for a few hours of talking to Utah fans. It used to be that the star quarterback spent his offseason working out every morning. Now, the workouts will have to wait. This is what really fuels wins on fall Saturdays.

What does a million in NIL deals look like?​

A year ago, after Rising led the Utes to a second Rose Bowl and a Pac-12 title over USC, faithful Utah donors in Salt Lake City knew what was coming.
Their fifth-year quarterback would have choices: He could come back for a sixth season of college football, go to another Power Five school or try his hand at the NFL.
“There were options everywhere,” Rising said, noting schools from the SEC, Pac-12 and other football power conferences came calling.
In order to keep Rising, Utah boosters needed to raise a competitive NIL figure. But what exactly would it be and how would Utah raise the funds?
Occasionally a coach will throw out ballpark numbers — mostly in an effort to get their own fan bases to pony up — but for the most part, NIL deals are made with bottom lines purposefully kept out of the limelight.
Nebraska head coach Matt Rhule was one of the first to actually throw a number into the ether, saying that “a good quarterback in the portal costs $1 million, $1.5, $2 million.”
And Rising is certainly a good quarterback.
He’s won back-to-back Pac-12 titles. He threw for more than 5,500 yards. In an NIL market that values experience and accolades, Rising’s figure should be near the top of the sport.



But then came the hard part. Could Utah’s donor base get Rising to seven figures like the other schools?
“I was initially concerned whether we’d be able to compete with some of the major markets and universities for player interest,” said TJ England, the legal officer of the CR England trucking company and a longtime Utah booster. “And so far, it appears like we’ve been able to compete and I hope it can continue that way. But we certainly need supporters.”
Rising knew other schools could offer big paydays.
Iowa quarterback Cade McNamara got a job making $600 an hour through NIL. Oregon quarterback Bo Nix signed lucrative deals through 7-Eleven. Michigan quarterback J.J. McCarthy signed on with Beats by Dre.
On the whole, schools like Texas were raising $15 million a year through collectives for their athletes. Texas Tech raised almost $8 million.
For Rising, Utah’s deal was sweet enough.
“There are always a plethora,” of NIL offers out there, Rising said. “... But nothing that I thought was worth leaving the University of Utah.”
Rising has received funds from Utah’s officially endorsed NIL collective, the Crimson Collective. Nextiva underwrote a conversation with Rising and former Utah quarterback Alex Smith. C.W. Urban, a design and real estate firm, paid Rising for social media posts and a local Toyota dealership had him film commercials for their latest pickup trucks.
Mountain American Credit Union paid him to be the Utah representative for their Utah-BYU ad campaign (right alongside BYU receivers Puka Nacua and Kody Epps). Les Olson sponsored Utah’s defense and used Rising as the face in commercials.
Another chunk of his NIL bill was footed by local trucking company CR England — owned by generations of Utah donors.
It’s the reason Rising was at a Sandy middle school three days after the regular season ended. In exchange for his NIL paycheck, Rising is the new face of the company’s One Initiative, aimed to fight childhood hunger.
He films commercials to help raise donations for local food banks.
One of the offshoots of the initiative was several local elementary and middle schools had food drives to donate to the cause. Whichever school raised the most donations received a visit from Rising, where he would come in to sign autographs and do a question and answer session in an assembly.
It is innocuous, with Rising answering questions about his love for pepperoni pizza, California roots or why he grew up wanting to be Kobe Bryant.
He signs a few footballs for the school’s trophy case and a few more for CR England. The company sells them for around $150 a piece to the public, with the proceeds going to the food drive.
“I loved the idea,” Rising said. “... NIL gives you an opportunity to continue to play and make decent money doing it. It just makes sense to stay in that situation and you take advantage of it. If it doesn’t, then you do the opposite and go to the NFL.”
In Rising’s case: “[I had some] great options.”

The significance of the deal​

While keeping Rising was an important piece for Utah’s immediate future, there was also a sense among donors that it was bigger than just Rising.
In a way, Rising was an early litmus test with the rest of the college football world watching. Could Utah keep its biggest star home, or would this become a breeding ground in the future for poachers?



Yet, even with the stakes, donors still had reservations. Even the most steadfast ones — like the England family — were apprehensive about getting into the NIL game at first.
“We were very hesitant to initially get involved,” TJ England said. “But we also recognized that the state of play in college football had changed. And that the university and its players needed NIL deals in order to compete.”
In the Englands’ case, they were unsure if NIL would be, “here to stay” in the college football landscape. They were also unaware, because of the clandestine nature of it, how much money Utah needed to keep high-level players around and how much more they needed.
For answers, they talked to head coach Kyle Whittingham and others at the university. England said Whittingham never got into specifics about numbers — although privately Whittingham’s said Utah needs around $7 million a year to fund a championship-level roster, sources said — but he did stress that NIL is a non-negotiable to winning.
“We never got into that type of specificity with anybody at university,” England said. “Just simply that NIL deals were going to be important and that players were expressing interest.”
Even when the Englands got onboard, they wanted to make sure everything was legal.
They were inexperienced in how to implement the deals. Utah sent them to a website called Inflcr, an NIL platform where companies can directly reach out to more than 70,000 college athletes.
From there, the Englands negotiated either with players or agents. TJ England said he’d never dealt with an agent before. Even things like knowing a fair market price, and what a competitive offer would be to make a player like Rising stay, was unclear.
Ultimately it worked out. Rising stayed with seven figures worth of NIL deals last year. He sat out with a knee injury in 2023 and then came back to Utah for more money in 2024, sources said.
“I love being a Ute. Unless there was something too good to turn down, I pretty much was planning on coming back,” Rising said. “I looked at every possible outcome. ... If I wanted to go to the NFL, [here’s] what it looks like. If I wanted to go somewhere else [in college], what it would be and how would that situation be? Move in, do all that. But it was never something I really wanted to do.”
NIL money proved to be a tipping point and the Utes proved they could be competitive in that space.