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This might be a little tougher than Putin thought...

Very high. That's also close to 70% of the U.S. Covid deaths, too. To your point, another underappreciated perspective. War ain't pretty, that's for sure.
I think to a degree the successful Ukrainian "propaganda" or social media savvy actually is working against them in regards to the actual nature of this conflict. The urgent need for MORE western aid is a little obscured.

Ukraine is a country of 40M going against a country of 140M.....it's incredible what the Ukrainians have done in this war. Thwarting Russia's invasion and putting a serious hurt on them.

That said...a 2 to 1 casualty "advantage" while very, very good.....is not where it needs to be to "win" a long drawn out battle of attrition.

Unfortunately Ukraine's successful "propaganda" campaign has painted a somewhat inaccurate picture of the situation. This war is very much still up in the air in regards to Ukraine achieving their objectives. A lot of tough fighting ahead....but the picture that has been painted is "Russia is on the ropes" and the infusion of western weapons will tip the balance this spring and summer.

Starting to look like the "west" might not have given Ukraine enough for the tough fight ahead.

Minus a Russian "collapse" Ukraine might not have enough to achieve the required breakthroughs....

Which will come as a unfortunate surprise to Ukraine's supporters that have been following the "turret toss" twitter feeds....
 
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Continuing my Debbie Downer binge (I'm starting to get pessimistic about this war :( )

General Sir Richard Barrons is a former commander of the British Joint Forces Command and is now chairman of the defense and security company, Universal Defense & Security Solutions.

He spoke to RFE/RL's Georgian Service about the constraints on both sides of Russia's war on Ukraine, the importance of industrial transformation in a drawn-out conflict, and offered a bleak forecast for the course of the war.

RFE/RL: What have we learned after one year of warfare in Ukraine? And where are we now?

Sir Richard Barrons:
There are some lessons at a very high level, particularly for Europe. And the first of those is that we haven't somehow grown out of fighting in a way that some people wanted to believe at the end of the Cold War in 1990. And we're being reminded by the war in Ukraine that war is part of the human existence. And even if you would prefer it was not so, there is no guaranteed immunity from it. And as [Prussian] General von Clausewitz says, "You may not choose war, but war can choose you." And when it occurs, it is the same brutal, feral, dangerous, usually disappointing business it has been for millennia. And yet, at least once a generation, we feel the need to reacquaint ourselves with that thought.

And the second thing it has reminded us [of] is that big wars -- and the war in Ukraine is a big war -- are fought, won, and lost by civilians, as the war becomes not something that is just conducted by the professional, regular armed forces in the way Western armies principally took part in Iraq and Afghanistan and Balkan interventions in the 1990s. These big wars, where the survival of the state is at stake, which is the case in Ukraine, are fought by citizens who are mobilized and industry that is mobilized. And you can see that actually now, on both sides, in this war in Ukraine, that it's being fought by Ukrainian citizens who a year ago, in many cases less than a year ago, were teachers, nurses, mechanics, whatever; and increasingly, on the Russian side, the manpower is being mobilized from civil society. So again, people who were not professional soldiers.

RFE/RL: And if the tactics of the private Wagner mercenary group are employed, people who were not professional soldiers, but professional criminals.

Barrons:
Yes. And that is a feature that is important to the Russian effort -- that there is a mixture of the Russian armed forces, increasingly mobilized civilians, and the Wagner Group, which has this extraordinary role in this war of a private enterprise mobilizing prisoners and mercenaries to fight alongside the Russian armed forces. And indeed, now they are locked in a competition about who is succeeding and who is failing, and actually who is to blame for failing. And you don't see that on the Ukrainian side.

And I think the third thing we're being reacquainted with is there is no logical rule that says these wars either have to be definitively successful for one or other party, or quick. And what we're essentially seeing playing out in Ukraine is not just a big war but a long war where, despite the aspirations of both sides and despite everyone's preference for this to be done and over, the dynamics of it suggest, first of all, a long fight because neither side has won, neither side has lost, neither side is anywhere close to giving up. So, there's a lot of fighting to come at the cost of terrible destruction. But the most likely outcome is one of exhaustion and stalemate followed by profound disagreement for as long as you can imagine. And we may be staring at an outcome where you can't count [on] the war as being over for decades.

RFE/RL: That's an even bleaker prediction than the earlier one of yours, when you said that this war might last until 2025. And if indeed, we need to be bracing ourselves for such a long war, let me ask you whose side is time on strategically?

Barrons:
The question of who prevails is one of choice. From the Western perspective, it has always been absolutely clear that Ukraine can be supported to achieve an outcome that Ukraine is content with, provided the West mobilizes a relatively small fraction of its money and its industry. Because Ukraine wins, or prevails, or at least it doesn't lose, so long as it is connected to money, at about $6 billion a month, and [the] Western defense industry to supply the weapons and ammunition and other equipment and stores that Ukraine needs to equip a mobilized society with. And if the West continues to choose to provide that support -- and let's be absolutely clear, that support is a very small fraction of the economic power of the West, so it is a matter of choice -- yes, there's a cost. But it's a very small percentage of the economic wealth of the West. If the West does that and Ukraine retains the will to fight, it can keep fighting.

From the Russian perspective, well, Russia is mobilizing its society more and more and reenergizing its defense industry, which employs around 2 million people. So, it's a very big enterprise. And Russia believes that it has the money, the will, and the social control, and the industry to outlast the West's will to continue.

And no one really knows the outcome of that. The one thing that would be a game changer now, in all sorts of ways, given that both sides are short of equipment, because of losses, and both sides are very short of ammunition, particularly artillery ammunition, because of the rate of use and the time it will take to ramp up production -- so a lag of a year or two is going to apply to both the way the West supports Ukraine and the way Russia drives up its own industry.

The one thing that would change things in the short term would be China and/or India connecting the Russian Armed Forces to their stocks of ammunition -- the things that already exist. Because that would energize the Russian military with ammunition that the West simply can't match in the time that we're talking about. And that is wholly dangerous, because were that to occur, it takes you to a much higher prospect of the West having to engage in the fighting, because reenergized Russian forces start to break through in a way that would be very disconcerting. And it also, of course, cements this idea that the war in Ukraine, which is a war between Russia and Ukraine, is actually a proxy conflict between liberal democracy in the West and autocratic capitalism, led by Russia and China but actually led by China, increasingly followed by Russia. And were that to be become amplified in Ukraine, then I don't see any way in which that makes our world safer, better, or more prosperous.

Continued at



You suck, Debbie. No offense.
 
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cont....

RFE/RL: On a Ukrainian counteroffensive then, and let me lump three short questions in one here: When to expect it, what to expect, and what would be realistic war goals for Ukraine?

Barrons:
I think the first point on the Ukrainian offensive is [that] how powerful it is will partly be dictated by how much loss has been sustained in breaking up the Russian offensive. And what we've begun to see among Ukrainians is weariness among Ukrainian soldiers who have been fighting in some cases for six months without relief; every day they've gone to fight, they've defeated the Russians, but they had the thought "I've got to come back tomorrow," and they've seen many of their friends die and be injured in this process….


It would be interesting to know whether the losses in defeating the Russian offensive have depleted the ability for the Ukrainian side to go on the offensive. However, it is also clear that Ukraine very thoughtfully has kept good forces out of defeating the Russian offensive to train and equip them.

And the question is: How big are they, how good are they, and have they got enough stuff? And no one knows the answer to that question.

But what we would expect to see is a Ukrainian counteroffensive when they judge the Russian offensive is exhausted and when the current thaw is over, and the ground has hardened up again. So, I think this takes you into April and probably May before you could maneuver without being taken prisoner by the mud.

And when that offensive occurs, one of the interesting features is where does it occur…. Wherever they look now, they are looking at quite well-defended Russian positions, and in some places they would be fighting for territory that belongs to Ukraine but where the people who are there now are either ambivalent or want to be Russian.

And that is an important consideration and obviously a very difficult one. And we also know that the quantity of Western equipment that has been provided so far -- an enormous amount of equipment has been provided in the early months of this year, but it is not in numbers that would enable us to equip the entire Ukrainian Army or allow them to fight and endure.

So, we might expect the Ukrainian military to inflict some defeat on the Russian occupation, but it would be a major leap of faith to judge that it would be good enough to throw the whole Russian occupation out this year. And more likely, a Ukrainian counteroffensive will make a difference, but it won't end the Russian occupation.

RFE/RL: That rules out any chances of retrieving Crimea in the scope of this counteroffensive?

Barrons:
I think in terms of the counteroffensive we expect to see in 2023, Crimea would be a very difficult objective because accessing it is hard. It's surrounded by sea in many places and there are only two roads that lead into Crimea. The Russians have assembled at least two lines of defense, and they've had since 2014 to take charge of Crimea, to prepare it for defense, and indeed to populate it with people who are inclined to support Russia. So, it is hard to imagine a successful Ukrainian offense into Crimea in 2023.

It is equally impossible to imagine that Ukraine would start saying that they will give up Crimea. Because in the middle of a war like this, you are never going to make a concession like that. And only time and circumstances will dictate whether removing Russia from Crimea is or is not actually achievable at a price that Ukraine is prepared to pay, bearing in mind the degree of Western support that it would also require. This is a very difficult issue, and I doubt it will be resolved in 2023.

RFE/RL: On Western military assistance: What does Ukraine need for a successful war effort, and will they be getting it?

Barrons:
In terms of the equipment, Ukraine needs the conventional military tools to defeat what will be, I think, quite effective Russian defense. And we know that when you are on the defense, you should anticipate -- if you're good at your job -- defeating an attacking force that is three to even seven times larger.

So, Ukraine knows when they go on the offense, the problem is much greater. So, they need artillery; and above all, they need artillery with enough range, precision, and ammunition not just to fight today but for months to come. And currently they have some of that equipment and some ammunition, but simply because the production does not yet exist, [it is] hard to see that they have enough to prevail.
Good read thanks for sharing. It is clear this will be prolonged and the Ukrainian’s are painting a rosy picture.

I was surprised the interview did not cover the importance of air superiority. If somehow one side was to win the skies I think the landscape changes dramatically. It is a damn shame we have not sent western fighters, with trained Ukrainian pilots - there has been time for that. I also think we should expedite far more air defense for Ukraine.
 
Good read thanks for sharing. It is clear this will be prolonged and the Ukrainian’s are painting a rosy picture.

I was surprised the interview did not cover the importance of air superiority. If somehow one side was to win the skies I think the landscape changes dramatically. It is a damn shame we have not sent western fighters, with trained Ukrainian pilots - there has been time for that. I also think we should expedite far more air defense for Ukraine.
Unfortunately Ukraine hasn't obtained the air assets needed to really flip the switch in the air war. Russia's Air Force has been a flop but they still have the numbers....best case scenario is the air war remains a stalemate but it'd be nice if the Ukrainian's could go into the coming offensive with air superiority....doesn't look like that's in the cards.
 
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cont....

RFE/RL: On a Ukrainian counteroffensive then, and let me lump three short questions in one here: When to expect it, what to expect, and what would be realistic war goals for Ukraine?

Barrons:
I think the first point on the Ukrainian offensive is [that] how powerful it is will partly be dictated by how much loss has been sustained in breaking up the Russian offensive. And what we've begun to see among Ukrainians is weariness among Ukrainian soldiers who have been fighting in some cases for six months without relief; every day they've gone to fight, they've defeated the Russians, but they had the thought "I've got to come back tomorrow," and they've seen many of their friends die and be injured in this process….


It would be interesting to know whether the losses in defeating the Russian offensive have depleted the ability for the Ukrainian side to go on the offensive. However, it is also clear that Ukraine very thoughtfully has kept good forces out of defeating the Russian offensive to train and equip them.

And the question is: How big are they, how good are they, and have they got enough stuff? And no one knows the answer to that question.

But what we would expect to see is a Ukrainian counteroffensive when they judge the Russian offensive is exhausted and when the current thaw is over, and the ground has hardened up again. So, I think this takes you into April and probably May before you could maneuver without being taken prisoner by the mud.

And when that offensive occurs, one of the interesting features is where does it occur…. Wherever they look now, they are looking at quite well-defended Russian positions, and in some places they would be fighting for territory that belongs to Ukraine but where the people who are there now are either ambivalent or want to be Russian.

And that is an important consideration and obviously a very difficult one. And we also know that the quantity of Western equipment that has been provided so far -- an enormous amount of equipment has been provided in the early months of this year, but it is not in numbers that would enable us to equip the entire Ukrainian Army or allow them to fight and endure.

So, we might expect the Ukrainian military to inflict some defeat on the Russian occupation, but it would be a major leap of faith to judge that it would be good enough to throw the whole Russian occupation out this year. And more likely, a Ukrainian counteroffensive will make a difference, but it won't end the Russian occupation.

RFE/RL: That rules out any chances of retrieving Crimea in the scope of this counteroffensive?

Barrons:
I think in terms of the counteroffensive we expect to see in 2023, Crimea would be a very difficult objective because accessing it is hard. It's surrounded by sea in many places and there are only two roads that lead into Crimea. The Russians have assembled at least two lines of defense, and they've had since 2014 to take charge of Crimea, to prepare it for defense, and indeed to populate it with people who are inclined to support Russia. So, it is hard to imagine a successful Ukrainian offense into Crimea in 2023.

It is equally impossible to imagine that Ukraine would start saying that they will give up Crimea. Because in the middle of a war like this, you are never going to make a concession like that. And only time and circumstances will dictate whether removing Russia from Crimea is or is not actually achievable at a price that Ukraine is prepared to pay, bearing in mind the degree of Western support that it would also require. This is a very difficult issue, and I doubt it will be resolved in 2023.

RFE/RL: On Western military assistance: What does Ukraine need for a successful war effort, and will they be getting it?

Barrons:
In terms of the equipment, Ukraine needs the conventional military tools to defeat what will be, I think, quite effective Russian defense. And we know that when you are on the defense, you should anticipate -- if you're good at your job -- defeating an attacking force that is three to even seven times larger.

So, Ukraine knows when they go on the offense, the problem is much greater. So, they need artillery; and above all, they need artillery with enough range, precision, and ammunition not just to fight today but for months to come. And currently they have some of that equipment and some ammunition, but simply because the production does not yet exist, [it is] hard to see that they have enough to prevail.
My guess is this is why Ukraine is so focused on an offensive to turn the momentum. Logically they’d spend 6-12 months building up armor and trained soldiers, but they don’t have that luxury. They need a decisive victory. They need to cut the Russians into 2 chunks.
 
My guess is this is why Ukraine is so focused on an offensive to turn the momentum. Logically they’d spend 6-12 months building up armor and trained soldiers, but they don’t have that luxury. They need a decisive victory. They need to cut the Russians into 2 chunks.
Lets hope they have the wherewithal to do that...

I'm still hoping for a Russian collapse...they have to have a breaking point. Or at least we'd hope...

If they keep fighting it's gonna be tough for the Ukrainian's. They're the ones that'll be on the offensive going against prepared defenses...

Been searching for any intel on Russian strategic reserves but haven't found any. One of the main questions for the Ukrainian's offensive is if the Russians have the reserves to funnel towards the prospective "breakthrough". If the Russians have most of their forces forward and aren't keeping a substantial reserve back that's good for the Ukrainian prospects.

Lot's of unknown's in this conflict....
 
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Russia just needs to lose...

KYIV, Ukraine (AP) — Ukraine launched an investigation Wednesday into a gruesome video circulating on social media that purportedly shows the beheading of a Ukrainian soldier.

The video spread quickly online and sparked outrage from Ukrainian officials. The Kremlin called the footage “horrible” but said it needed to be verified.

The Associated Press was not able to verify the authenticity of the video or the circumstances of where and when it was shot.

Meanwhile, a Russian defense official claimed that fighters from Russia’s paramilitary Wagner group have seized three districts of Bakhmut, the embattled city that for months has been the focus of Moscow’s grinding campaign in the east.

The video circulating online appears to show a man in green fatigues wearing a yellow armband, typically donned by Ukrainian fighters. He is heard screeching before another man in camouflage uses a knife to decapitate him.

A third man holds up a flak jacket apparently belonging to the man being beheaded. All three men speak in Russian.


Since Russia’s forces invaded Ukraine more than a year ago, they have committed widespread abuses and alleged war crimes, according to the United Nations, rights groups and reporting by The Associated Press. Ukraine has repeatedly accused Russia of targeting apartment buildings in its strikes, and images of hundreds of civilians lying dead in the streets and in mass graves in Bucha after Russian forces withdrew have horrified the world.


 
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I'm telling ya, my gut feeling is this leak is a manufactured rope-a-dope strategy.

Ukraine/NATO/West wants Russia to think there is confusion and non-alignment and weakness on the UKR side and that this means its coming offensive will be too weak to matter.

Then BAM --- hit 'em with a well-supplied, well-armed, well-trained fighting force.

I choose to be rosily optimistic. :)

For the record, I also picked Iowa football to win the West Division and go to the Rose Bowl last year.
 
I'm telling ya, my gut feeling is this leak is a manufactured rope-a-dope strategy.

Ukraine/NATO/West wants Russia to think there is confusion and non-alignment and weakness on the UKR side and that this means its coming offensive will be too weak to matter.

Then BAM --- hit 'em with a well-supplied, well-armed, well-trained fighting force.

I choose to be rosily optimistic. :)

For the record, I also picked Iowa football to win the West Division and go to the Rose Bowl last year.
I like your way of thinking better than mine to be honest :)

Hope you're correct.
 
I'm telling ya, my gut feeling is this leak is a manufactured rope-a-dope strategy.

Ukraine/NATO/West wants Russia to think there is confusion and non-alignment and weakness on the UKR side and that this means its coming offensive will be too weak to matter.

Then BAM --- hit 'em with a well-supplied, well-armed, well-trained fighting force.

I choose to be rosily optimistic. :)

For the record, I also picked Iowa football to win the West Division and go to the Rose Bowl last year.
I hate to be pessimistic, but your take on the leak feels similar to your take on quad city style pizza.
 


The RAC 112 APILAS is a portable one-shot 112 mm recoilless anti-tank weapon, designed in France by GIAT Industries. Over 120,000 of the APILAS launchers have been produced, and they are in service with many countries. Wikipedia
Effective firing range: 25–350 m
Length: 1,300 mm (51.2 in)
Manufacturer: GIAT Industries
No. built: 120,000
Unit cost: €2,000
 
Continuing my Debbie Downer binge (I'm starting to get pessimistic about this war :( )

General Sir Richard Barrons is a former commander of the British Joint Forces Command and is now chairman of the defense and security company, Universal Defense & Security Solutions.

He spoke to RFE/RL's Georgian Service about the constraints on both sides of Russia's war on Ukraine, the importance of industrial transformation in a drawn-out conflict, and offered a bleak forecast for the course of the war.

RFE/RL: What have we learned after one year of warfare in Ukraine? And where are we now?

Sir Richard Barrons:
There are some lessons at a very high level, particularly for Europe. And the first of those is that we haven't somehow grown out of fighting in a way that some people wanted to believe at the end of the Cold War in 1990. And we're being reminded by the war in Ukraine that war is part of the human existence. And even if you would prefer it was not so, there is no guaranteed immunity from it. And as [Prussian] General von Clausewitz says, "You may not choose war, but war can choose you." And when it occurs, it is the same brutal, feral, dangerous, usually disappointing business it has been for millennia. And yet, at least once a generation, we feel the need to reacquaint ourselves with that thought.

And the second thing it has reminded us [of] is that big wars -- and the war in Ukraine is a big war -- are fought, won, and lost by civilians, as the war becomes not something that is just conducted by the professional, regular armed forces in the way Western armies principally took part in Iraq and Afghanistan and Balkan interventions in the 1990s. These big wars, where the survival of the state is at stake, which is the case in Ukraine, are fought by citizens who are mobilized and industry that is mobilized. And you can see that actually now, on both sides, in this war in Ukraine, that it's being fought by Ukrainian citizens who a year ago, in many cases less than a year ago, were teachers, nurses, mechanics, whatever; and increasingly, on the Russian side, the manpower is being mobilized from civil society. So again, people who were not professional soldiers.

RFE/RL: And if the tactics of the private Wagner mercenary group are employed, people who were not professional soldiers, but professional criminals.

Barrons:
Yes. And that is a feature that is important to the Russian effort -- that there is a mixture of the Russian armed forces, increasingly mobilized civilians, and the Wagner Group, which has this extraordinary role in this war of a private enterprise mobilizing prisoners and mercenaries to fight alongside the Russian armed forces. And indeed, now they are locked in a competition about who is succeeding and who is failing, and actually who is to blame for failing. And you don't see that on the Ukrainian side.

And I think the third thing we're being reacquainted with is there is no logical rule that says these wars either have to be definitively successful for one or other party, or quick. And what we're essentially seeing playing out in Ukraine is not just a big war but a long war where, despite the aspirations of both sides and despite everyone's preference for this to be done and over, the dynamics of it suggest, first of all, a long fight because neither side has won, neither side has lost, neither side is anywhere close to giving up. So, there's a lot of fighting to come at the cost of terrible destruction. But the most likely outcome is one of exhaustion and stalemate followed by profound disagreement for as long as you can imagine. And we may be staring at an outcome where you can't count [on] the war as being over for decades.

RFE/RL: That's an even bleaker prediction than the earlier one of yours, when you said that this war might last until 2025. And if indeed, we need to be bracing ourselves for such a long war, let me ask you whose side is time on strategically?

Barrons:
The question of who prevails is one of choice. From the Western perspective, it has always been absolutely clear that Ukraine can be supported to achieve an outcome that Ukraine is content with, provided the West mobilizes a relatively small fraction of its money and its industry. Because Ukraine wins, or prevails, or at least it doesn't lose, so long as it is connected to money, at about $6 billion a month, and [the] Western defense industry to supply the weapons and ammunition and other equipment and stores that Ukraine needs to equip a mobilized society with. And if the West continues to choose to provide that support -- and let's be absolutely clear, that support is a very small fraction of the economic power of the West, so it is a matter of choice -- yes, there's a cost. But it's a very small percentage of the economic wealth of the West. If the West does that and Ukraine retains the will to fight, it can keep fighting.

From the Russian perspective, well, Russia is mobilizing its society more and more and reenergizing its defense industry, which employs around 2 million people. So, it's a very big enterprise. And Russia believes that it has the money, the will, and the social control, and the industry to outlast the West's will to continue.

And no one really knows the outcome of that. The one thing that would be a game changer now, in all sorts of ways, given that both sides are short of equipment, because of losses, and both sides are very short of ammunition, particularly artillery ammunition, because of the rate of use and the time it will take to ramp up production -- so a lag of a year or two is going to apply to both the way the West supports Ukraine and the way Russia drives up its own industry.

The one thing that would change things in the short term would be China and/or India connecting the Russian Armed Forces to their stocks of ammunition -- the things that already exist. Because that would energize the Russian military with ammunition that the West simply can't match in the time that we're talking about. And that is wholly dangerous, because were that to occur, it takes you to a much higher prospect of the West having to engage in the fighting, because reenergized Russian forces start to break through in a way that would be very disconcerting. And it also, of course, cements this idea that the war in Ukraine, which is a war between Russia and Ukraine, is actually a proxy conflict between liberal democracy in the West and autocratic capitalism, led by Russia and China but actually led by China, increasingly followed by Russia. And were that to be become amplified in Ukraine, then I don't see any way in which that makes our world safer, better, or more prosperous.

Continued at



Bro, you have been a Debbie downer since February 2022 on this war. Just sayin.
 
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...and here we are.

I just haven't bought into the 7 to 1 casualty rate twitter cheer leading. Always been skeptical of some of the more rosier assessments.
Oh I agree. Just think it is worth pointing out in the grand scheme of things, Russia has already lost the war. They have basically exposed themselves as a paper tiger, lost the vast majority of their modern equipment, lost most of trained army, and their economy is deteriorating. For nothing. They will never get all of Ukraine so even if things don’t go great, and Ukraine can’t reclaim all land to 2014 borders in the near future, Russia still lost badly and won’t anytime soon recover, if ever.
 
Oh I agree. Just think it is worth pointing out in the grand scheme of things, Russia has already lost the war. They have basically exposed themselves as a paper tiger, lost the vast majority of their modern equipment, lost most of trained army, and their economy is deteriorating. For nothing. They will never get all of Ukraine so even if things don’t go great, and Ukraine can’t reclaim all land to 2014 borders in the near future, Russia still lost badly and won’t anytime soon recover, if ever.
I agree with that...Russia has "lost".

The question is what does Ukrainian "victory" look like. Anything less than taking back pre-Feb 22 invasion territory will make the celebration of that victory pretty muted.
 
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