Biden and his staff finally are getting that. From now until the election, every heinous crime committed by an illegal will be amplified by the GOP and reported on by FOX extensively.

Luckily for him, the GOP is horrible and will do everything they can to squander that advantage.

I like these threads. Post a song or songs you like that seemingly few people are aware of. I'll begin with a few.

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Three of Iowa’s four Republican incumbents serving in the U.S. House officially filed for re-election to Congress on Monday, the opening day to submit nomination papers for the June primary.



The filing deadline to qualify for the primary ballot for state and federal offices in Iowa is March 15.


Iowa Republican U.S. Reps. Ashley Hinson, Mariannette Miller-Meeks and Zach Nunn filed their affidavit of candidacy and nomination petitions with the Iowa Secretary of State’s office to officially run for re-election.


Hinson, a former state lawmaker and former KCRG-TV news anchor, is running for a third term representing Iowa’s 2nd Congressional District. The district includes Cedar Rapids, Dubuque, Waterloo and Grinnell.


Hinson, of Marion, told reporters she submitted more than 7,500 signatures, far more than the 1,726 minimum required for U.S. House candidates to qualify for the primary ballot.


“I think Iowans have spoken loud and clear that they do not like the direction that the country is going under the Biden agenda, and I think that they will reject that in November,” she said.




Hinson said border security “is the No. 1 issue of the election this cycle.”





At a town hall meeting in Boone on Friday, Iowa Republican U.S. Sen. Joni Ernst sharply criticized Congress’ failure to pass a bipartisan border security bill. Former President Donald Trump railed against the bill well before it was released, increasing pressure on congressional conservatives to reject it.


Asked of House Republicans ability to get anything done on the border, Hinson told reporters she’s hopeful “the Biden administration will come to the table” and work with House Republicans on “meaningful border provisions that are actually going to make a difference here and secure our border, not just continue to support amnesty claims.”


Cedar Falls Democrat and small-business owner Sarah Corkery is running to challenge Hinson.


Corkery, a first-time candidate and two-time breast cancer survivor, launched her bid in October, but had yet to file nomination papers as of early Monday afternoon.


Cedar Rapids Republican Steve Kephart, an assistant manager at Denny's Automotive and Muffler in Cedar Rapids and Marion, also intends to run for the congressional seat. Kephart filed a statement of candidacy with the Federal Election Commission (FEC), but had yet to file nomination papers as of early Monday afternoon.


Corkery’s and Kephart’s campaigns did not immediately respond to requests for comment as of Monday afternoon.

Nunn, Miller-Meeks file for re-election in competitive districts​

Republican U.S. Rep. Zach Nunn of Bondurant submitted more than 10,000 signatures on his nominating petitions to continue representing Iowa’s 3rd Congressional District.


Iowa GOP incumbent Mariannette Miller-Meeks, of Ottumwa, who’s seeking re-election in Iowa’s 1st Congressional District, submitted more than 4,000 signatures of voters in Iowa’s 1st Congressional District.


“2024 is a pivotal election surrounded by issues that face every day Iowans,” Miller-Meeks said in a statement. “Whether it be the failing economy that has led to higher cost of living with hikes at the grocery store and the gas pumps, or the failure to secure our southern border allowing drugs to fill our streets, we must acknowledge that the current path we are on is the wrong one.


“I am looking forward to running for re-election to continue to bring sensible reforms to Washington and continuing to fight for Iowa.”


National Democrats have targeted the two Iowa congressional district in their quest to regain control of the U.S. House in this fall’s elections.


The campaign arm of U.S. House Democrats have named Iowa City congressional candidate Christina Bohannan to its “Red to Blue” program that works to help Democrats running against Republican incumbents flip control of competitive districts.


Bohannan is among House Democrats’ first slate of 17 candidates given the stamp of approval from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, sending a signal to donors and activists about whom they see as best positioned to win in critical districts.


Also named to the list is Lanon Baccam, a Democrat running to unseat Nunn. Baccam is a former U.S. Department of Agriculture official, veteran and Democratic campaign operative who has drawn endorsements from many of the state's top Democrats, including U.S. Agriculture Secretary and former Iowa Gov. Tom Vilsack.


Democrat Melissa Vine, a Des Moines nonprofit leader, also is running for the seat and would face Baccam in a Democratic primary. Des Moines therapist and Democrat Tracy Limon has also filed candidacy paperwork with the FEC.


Nunn is serving in his first term and narrowly defeated Democratic incumbent Cindy Axne in 2022 to win the seat that has flipped in two of the last three elections. He won by a little more than 2,000 votes, delivering an all-Republican Iowa congressional delegation for the first time since the 1950s.


House Republicans control a razor-thin majority of the chamber. The Democrats’ “Red to Blue” program arms the party’s top-tier candidates with organizational and fundraising support and the national committee provides strategic guidance, staff resources, candidate training and more.


Bohannan, the University of Iowa law professor and former state representative, is making her second bid for Iowa’s 1st Congressional District, which covers 20 counties in Southeast Iowa, including Johnson County.


David Pautsch, a Davenport Republican and minister known for organizing the annual Quad Cities Prayer Breakfast, is also running for the seat and has filed paperwork with the FEC, signaling his intent to challenge Miller-Meeks in the GOP primary.


Bohannan, in a statement, criticized Mill-Meeks’ past support for anti-abortion legislation that lacked protections or provisions for processes like in vitro fertilization.


“ (C)oupled with her failures to pass a new Farm Bill, to secure the border, or to reduce costs for working families — Iowans deserve the chance to decide if they want more of Miller-Meeks’ so-called ‘leadership,’ or if it’s time for a real leader who will put partisan politics aside and do what’s best for Iowans,” Bohannan said.

Anyone out today? I got 3 today and one yesterday. I also "accidently" tried to poach a pheasant since I didn't get a single one this year. I hit him but I couldn't find him. Lol

Sarah Matthews, a former deputy press secretary to President Donald Trump, is supporting Nikki Haley in the Republican primaries. But if her choices on Election Day are Trump and Joe Biden? She’ll support Biden. “We can survive bad policy from a second Biden administration,” Matthews says, “but I don’t think we can survive a second Trump term, in terms of our democracy.”

Alyssa Farah Griffin, who served as a White House communication director for Trump in 2020, is in a similar place. “Donald Trump is a threat to democracy, and I will never support him,” Farah Griffin says. She doesn’t know whether she’ll support Biden, but she hasn’t ruled it out. “If Joe Biden remains where he’s been on aid to Ukraine and support for Israel, it’ll be much easier to get there,” she says of Republicans, like herself, who are considering supporting the Democratic president.



Cassidy Hutchinson, a former aide to Mark Meadows when he was Trump’s chief of staff, hoped for a different Republican nominee. She has “completely shut” the door to supporting Trump and has encouraged people to vote for Biden. “We all need to be putting 100 percent in until the election to make sure that this doesn’t happen — that he’s not reelected,” Hutchinson says.
The three women were together in a conference room at a hotel in downtown Washington on Saturday afternoon. In a few minutes, they would take the stage at a gathering of anti-Trump Republicans called the Principles First Summit. They represent the last wave of the anti-Trump movement — what you might call Now-Never Trumpers (or, maybe, the Better-Late-Than-Never Trumpers). They’re conservatives who were for Trump before they were against him, and for whom the former president’s reckless behavior after losing the 2020 election was a breaking point. Farah Griffin departed first, that December. Matthews quit immediately after the Capitol riot. Hutchinson served through the end of Trump’s term but later gave explosive testimony to the House committee investigating the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.


And they are among dozens of former Trump officials who have criticized the conduct of their former boss. Those who saw him up close have called the former president a “wannabe dictator” (former Joint Chiefs chairman Mark A. Milley), “a consummate narcissist” (former attorney general William P. Barr), and a “moron” (former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, reportedly). But Barr reportedly has suggested that a second Trump administration — which he likened to “playing Russian roulette with the country,” according to Axios — would be less dangerous to the country than a second Biden administration. Voting for Biden, the outlet quoted him as saying during a speech in Florida, would constitute “outright national suicide.”
Which raises a question: Just how serious are some of the anti-Trump Republicans about keeping him out of the Oval Office? Serious enough that these dissenting former officials would actually vote for Biden?
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Ty Cobb would. “If the time comes and a vote for Joe is required to stop Trump, then I’d grudgingly vote for Biden,” Cobb, who served as a special counsel in the Trump White House, said in an interview — adding, though, that he fears “this sad choice perpetuates the domestic divide as well as the substantial risk we continue to face internationally.” (Despite serving in Trump’s White House, Cobb says he never voted for him.)
John Bolton, Trump’s former national security adviser, would not. “My focus, right now, is to make sure he doesn’t get the nomination,” Bolton told The Washington Post. But if it does come down to Trump vs. Biden, he said, “I’ll do what I did in 2020 — I wrote in the name of a conservative Republican.”


Farah Griffin doesn’t begrudge Bolton his write-in plan, and she considers him one of the “most important voices” on the anti-Trump right. But Barr?
“He couldn’t be more dead wrong,” Farah Griffin says. “He heard the crazy that we heard.”
“It’s just ridiculous,” Matthews adds. “I mean, there’s really no comparison,” she says, between the dangers posed by Biden versus Trump.
“It’s so disappointing, when you have these men who are twice my age, maybe three times, who stay silent,” she adds.
The women were friends in the Trump White House and have only gotten closer since becoming Trump apostates. They have a text chain, where one will reach out to the others — often “when we’re walking in airports, for some reason,” Farah Griffin says — wondering whether the person who bumped them had done so accidentally or because they’d “been radicalized to hate you by the former most powerful man on the planet.”





But besides each other, who is the audience for the Now Never Trumpers? On the MAGA right, there’s a selective deafness to anyone disloyal to Trump. For those who already know they dislike Trump, the Hutchinsons, Matthewses and Farah Griffins of the media world offer validation that is in high demand; Farah Griffin is now a co-host of “The View,” and Hutchinson’s memoir, “Enough,” spent five weeks on the New York Times’s bestseller list. But are they in a position to talk anyone out of voting for Trump in November?
Sitting around the conference table, with soft curls and camera-ready makeup, they look the part of credible conservative messengers — and they probably are, says Sarah Longwell, an early Never Trumper and publisher of the Bulwark, an anti-Trump conservative news and opinion site. Among the most persuadable cohort are the “double doubters,” as Longwell calls them: voters who don’t like Trump or Biden, but will vote in November — and are exhausted by the former president’s election denialism.



“These former officials can help them make up their minds,” Longwell says. Anti-Trumpers who actually served for him have special status because they can honestly say, as Matthews does: “Hey, look, I supported the guy, went to work for him as a spokesperson because I believed in the agenda, but January 6th was a red line for me.”
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Beyond voters, Longwell also hopes that the visibility of outspoken former Trumpers who worked in the administration — or investigated the Jan. 6 insurrection, like former congresswoman Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.) — can encourage more timid anti-Trumpers to speak their minds, too. “When you see Cassidy and Sarah and Liz, I think those who are being cowards feel shame,” Longwell says. “They’re the kind of people who would make Bill Barr or [New Hampshire Gov.] Chris Sununu go, ‘Ugh, I can’t stomach this.’”

Will technological progress lead to mass unemployment? People have been asking that question for two centuries, and the actual answer has always ended up being no. Technology eliminates some jobs, but it has always generated enough new jobs to offset these losses, and there’s every reason to believe that it will continue to do so for the foreseeable future.
But progress isn’t painless. Business types and some economists may talk glowingly about the virtues of creative destruction, but the process can be devastating economically and socially for those who find themselves on the destruction side of the equation. This is especially true when technological change undermines not just individual workers but whole communities.
This isn’t a hypothetical proposition. It’s a big part of what has happened to rural America.
This process and its effects are laid out in devastating, terrifying and baffling detail in “White Rural Rage: The Threat to American Democracy,” a new book by Tom Schaller and Paul Waldman. I say “devastating” because the hardship of rural Americans is real, “terrifying” because the political backlash to this hardship poses a clear and present danger to our democracy and “baffling” because at some level I still don’t get the politics.
Technology is the main driver of rural decline, Schaller and Waldman argue. Indeed, American farms produce more than five times as much as they did 75 years ago, but the agricultural work force declined by about two-thirds over the same period, thanks to machinery, improved seeds, fertilizers and pesticides. Coal production has been falling recently, but thanks partly to technologies like mountaintop removal, coal mining as a way of life largely disappeared long ago, with the number of miners falling 80 percent even as production roughly doubled.
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The decline of small-town manufacturing is a more complicated story, and imports play a role, but it’s also mainly about technological change that favors metropolitan areas with large numbers of highly educated workers.
Technology, then, has made America as a whole richer, but it has reduced economic opportunities in rural areas. So why don’t rural workers go where the jobs are? Some have. But some cities have become unaffordable, in part because of restrictive zoning — one thing blue states get wrong — and many workers are reluctant to leave their families and communities.

So shouldn’t we aid these communities? We do. Federal programs — Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and more — are available to all Americans but are disproportionately financed from taxes paid by affluent urban areas. As a result, there are huge de facto transfers of money from rich, urban states like New Jersey to poor, relatively rural states like West Virginia.
While these transfers somewhat mitigate the hardship facing rural America, they don’t restore the sense of dignity that has been lost along with rural jobs. And maybe that loss of dignity explains both white rural rage and why that rage is so misdirected — why it’s pretty clear that this November a majority of rural white Americans will again vote against Joe Biden, who as president has been trying to bring jobs to their communities, and for Donald Trump, a huckster from Queens who offers little other than validation for their resentment.
This feeling of a loss of dignity may be worsened because some rural Americans have long seen themselves as more industrious, more patriotic and maybe even morally superior to the denizens of big cities — an attitude still expressed in cultural artifacts like Jason Aldean’s hit song “Try That in a Small Town.”
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In the crudest sense, rural and small-town America is supposed to be filled with hard-working people who adhere to traditional values, not like those degenerate urbanites on welfare, but the economic and social reality doesn’t match this self-image.
Prime-working-age men outside metropolitan areas are substantially less likely than their metropolitan counterparts to be employed — not because they’re lazy but because the jobs just aren’t there. (The gap is much smaller for women, perhaps because the jobs supported by federal aid tend to be female-coded, such as those in health care.)
Quite a few rural states also have high rates of homicide, suicide and births to single mothers — again, not because rural Americans are bad people but because social disorder is, as the sociologist William Julius Wilson argued long ago about urban problems, what happens when work disappears.
Draw attention to some of these realities, and you’ll be accused of being a snooty urban elitist. I’m sure responses to this column will be … interesting.
The result — which at some level I still find hard to understand — is that many white rural voters support politicians who tell them lies they want to hear. It helps explain why the MAGA narrative casts relatively safe cities like New York as crime-ridden hellscapes and rural America as the victim not of technology but of illegal immigrants, wokeness and the deep state.
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At this point you’re probably expecting a solution to this ugly political situation. Schaller and Waldman do offer some suggestions. But the truth is that while white rural rage is arguably the single greatest threat facing American democracy, I have no good ideas about how to fight it.

Diners Done Right
Bored with chain restaurants? Tired of overpaying for fussy food when all you really want is something simple at a fair price? There are a ton of great local joints serving cheap, tasty eats, but if you're not careful, you might drive right past them. We scoured the country and checked reviews on sites such as Yelp and TripAdvisor as well as rankings by expert food writers for some of the best hole-in-the-wall diners, all of them longtime favorites with even longer lists of regulars. Here are the top picks in all 50 states.

Iowa: The Fort Diner
801 Ave. H
Fort Madison, Iowa
What people say: Blink and you might miss this tiny mom-and-pop diner, just a stone's throw from the Mississippi River in southeastern Iowa. Seating is limited, but reviewers say this modest spot is worth the stop. Bring cash; credit cards aren't on the menu, and consider getting it to go as the seating inside is limited.
Where it's at: Fort Madison is just a few miles from the Iowa-Illinois border, and the diner itself is just a few hundred feet from the Mississippi River. Diners might want to visit Riverview Park post-meal, where they can check out the historic Old Fort Madison or take a stroll around the grounds.
What to order: The diner's specialty is the gut-busting Wallyburger, made with a pound of ground chuck, grilled mushrooms and onions, and American and Swiss cheese.

I hadn't heard of any of these 50 so I can't really comment however the Wallyburger is a little much even for Rico to attempt.

to condone the slaughter of innocent children in defense of the 2nd amendment & the gun industry????

smith md over davis at 125.

this could be an interesting dual i think nebraska matches up well

Not shocked at all those at the top are liberal havens and welfare states.

1. Vermont©Jacob Green / iStock via Getty Images

• Marijuana use (past year), ages 12+: 30.8% (total: 175,000)
• Marijuana use (past month), ages 12+: 22.3% — the highest (total: 127,000)
• First-time marijuana use (past year), ages 12+: 4.8% — the highest (total: 8,000)
• Legal status – fully legal: Medicinal use: Yes; Decriminalized: Yes
• Population, July 2022: 647,064

2. Oregon©Hush Marijuana Dispensary in E... (CC BY 2.0) by Rick Obst

• Marijuana use (past year), ages 12+: 28.8% (total: 1,052,000)
• Marijuana use (past month), ages 12+: 18.5% — 4th highest (total: 678,000)
• First-time marijuana use (past year), ages 12+: 4.0% — 2nd highest (total: 52,000)
• Legal status – fully legal: Medicinal use: Yes; Decriminalized: Yes
• Population, July 2022: 4,240,137

3. Alaska©Marijuana on display at Raspbe... (CC BY 2.0) by The Alaska Landmine

• Marijuana use (past year), ages 12+: 27.0% (total: 158,000)
• Marijuana use (past month), ages 12+: 20.9% — 2nd highest (total: 122,000)
• First-time marijuana use (past year), ages 12+: 4.0% — 3rd highest (total: 9,000)
• Legal status – fully legal: Medicinal use: Yes; Decriminalized: Yes
• Population, July 2022: 733,583

Would've been nice if she'd thought of Iowa football and nil as well but very solid decision by this lady, Harvard could learn something from her.

The University of Iowa has initiated a national search for a new vice president for research — a key member of the president’s cabinet — after announcing last week that J. Martin (Marty) Scholtz is resigning after five years.



Scholtz, hired in 2019 following a national search, will remain vice president until his successor starts — negating the need for an interim. Once a new person is in place, Scholtz has agreed to serve a stint in the provost’s office to help spearhead a “campuswide assessment and realignment of research space, equipment, and infrastructure.”


More details of what that might entail haven’t been made public. But 23 units report to the UI Office of the Vice President for Research, including the Office of Animal Resources, Human Subjects Office, Institute for Clinical and Translational Science, and the State Hygienic Lab.




Direct reports to Scholtz include professor Pat Winokur, co-director of the Institute for Clinical and Translational Science, and professor Michael Pentella, who leads the State Hygienic Lab.


Among its core facilities is UI Pharmaceuticals, the largest university-affiliated FDA-registered pharmaceutical manufacturing facility in the nation.


Led by the office, the university in fiscal 2023 secured $704.1 million in external funding, an increasingly-important revenue stream for the campus. That total included $561.3 million for research, about 14 percent below the previous year’s $654.4 million.


After leaving his vice presidential post, Scholtz will continue to hold UI faculty appointments as a biochemistry and molecular biology professor, a chemistry professor, and professor of pharmaceutical sciences and experimental therapeutics in the UI colleges of medicine, liberal arts and sciences, and pharmacy, respectively.





“I am grateful to Marty for his leadership, especially during the challenging impact of the pandemic on scholarly work,” UI President Barbara Wilson said in a statement. “He has stayed very focused on ways to grow our research activities in line with our strategic plan and to bolster scholarly collaborations across campus.”


Scholtz in September was earning a salary of $416,875, according to a UI database. Officials didn’t immediately disclose what his new salary will be once he steps down.


“I am proud of all that we have accomplished to support and expand the research enterprise at the University of Iowa so that researchers and scholars across our institution have access to the resources and infrastructure they need to forge new frontiers of discovery,” Scholtz said in a statement.

Achievements​

While atop the university’s research enterprise, Scholtz helped lead a new campus strategic plan and a period of research expansion. Specific achievements during his tenure include:

• Ramping down research operations during COVID and then guiding a phased, safe return to campus;

• Navigating a partnership between the State Hygienic Lab and the state of Iowa to rapidly deliver an at-home testing program for COVID;

• Increasing research expenditures 30 percent from $508 million in 2019 to more than $660 million;

• Diversifying external funding sources for research and expanding funding from private sources, including foundations;

• Hiring two tenured faculty as part-time associate vice presidents for research to focus on broader faculty engagement in scholarly activities.

Scholtz also engaged in national conversations about research policy “to ensure that UI is well connected to major sources of federal funding such as the National Science Foundation, National Institutes of Health, Department of Education, Department of Defense, National Endowment for the Arts, and National Endowment for the Humanities.”


By engaging with large foundations and corporations, Scholtz has linked UI research expertise with their priorities.

Pre-Scholtz​

When Scholtz was hired five years ago, he stepped into a newly-defined research-specific vice presidential post that separated off what previously had included an economic development component.


He succeeded former UI Vice President for Research and Economic Development Daniel Reed — who resigned in 2017 and in 2018 was named senior vice president for academic affairs at the University of Utah.


Before coming to Iowa, Scholtz served as executive associate vice president for research at Texas A&M — where he had been since 1993 in various roles.


He was a postdoctoral fellow at Stanford University before Texas A&M and earned his bachelor’s and then doctorate from the Universities of Nebraska and California, Berkeley, respectively.

Only months after construction on a new crossing over the Mississippi River in Lansing began, the Iowa Department over the weekend closed the Black Hawk Bridge there after noticing it had moved, sending the estimated 2,200 vehicles that use it every day miles out their way for a detour.



The Iowa DOT said inspectors would examine the bridge Monday, and the bridge would be reopened — or not — depending on what they find.




“At this point, we do not have a timeline as to when or if the bridge will reopen but will keep you updated,” the Iowa DOT said on its website. ”We will not open the bridge until we are sure it is safe.“


A new bridge being built just 50 feet away to connect Iowa’s Allamakee County with Wisconsin’s Crawford County is not expected to be open until late 2026. In the meantime, the Allamakee County Sheriff’s Office advised drivers to head far south — using Highway 18 between Marquette and Prairie du Chien, Wis. — or north, crossing the river on Highway 14 between La Crescent, Minn., and La Crosse, Wis.

Crews in January work on building a new bridge over the Mississippi River connecting Allamakee County with Crawford County, Wis. Work began on the Wisconsin side of the river. The new bridge will rise just 50 feet to the north of the historic Black Hawk Bridge at Lansing. (Photo from Iowa Department of Transportation)
In a Facebook post, the Iowa DOT said it had placed monitors on the bridge before construction on the nearby crossing began, and were examining “if construction of the new bridge played a part in the movement.” It described the movement as “slight.”


“We placed monitors on the bridge before construction started and are using data from those monitors in our investigation,” the agency said.


The Black Hawk Bridge opened in 1931 but was closed between 1945 and 1957 after it had been damaged by ice dams, the state transportation department said.






The new bridge, which was designed to have a similar look to the historic bridge, will have a 40-foot road width — up from 21 feet — and have lanes that are 12 feet wide instead of 10 feet. It will stand 15 feet higher — 180 instead of 165 feet — above the normal water level of the river. Its speed limit would remain at 25 mph.


Eighty percent of its $140 million cost will be covered by federal funds, and the rest will be split evenly between the Iowa and Wisconsin transportation departments.

I knew he was going to be a stud with the few minutes he got last year. I love his game, especially that mid-range jump shot. We need to set more of those plays for him. I was trying to think of another Iowa player he reminds me of and Mr. Jake Kelley comes to mind. I really liked his game too. Was super disappointed when he had to transfer.

Was thinking it might be a handy thing to have in the vehicle. Particularly when out solo late at night.

I watched some of the tournament matches and noticed right away that they are still awarding 2 points for a takedown. Why aren't they following college wrestling and the 3-point takedown? Is it just Iowa or is it standard throughout the country?

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It is great to be an Iowa Wrestling fan.

Go Hawks!

End abortion.
End IVF.
End porn.
End recreational sex.
End Democracy.
Support Russia.
Where are you going with all of this?

Hawkeye commit Miguel Estrada out of Frontier HS is looking to become a 4X CA state champion. He’s seeded 2nd and dominated his first round opponent from Vacaville HS getting a first period fall. He won his 2nd round match vs a kid from San Clemente HS by tech fall 19-4. He’s got the 7 seed Frost out of national powerhouse Buchanan HS in the quarter finals.